When
on July 5th this year I was leaving
He
had chosen that moment on purpose, so that he could speak
undisturbed and unnoticed,
and begged me to keep our talk secret from everybody, with the
exception,
naturally, of my Government. Apart from himself, two other persons knew
about
this conversation.
To
my question as to why he had addressed himself to me and not to our
representative
in
'Because
you know the situation not only in
I
speak on behalf of the Internal Organization, of all the Committees not
only in
I
shall quote the exact words of Mr. Karayovov, as follows:
During
our conversation, which continued for about half an hour, I listened
carefully
to my interlocutor, interrupting him only with short questions to make
certain
that I had understood him correctly, or to receive some further
explanations
about particulars in the programme of the Organization. Karayovov told
me the
following:
'After
the official committees were dissolved by the Bulgarian
Government, Stanishev
and I were elected as leaders of the Central Committee. All the branch
committees in
You
are well acquainted with the two tasks of the Bulgarian Macedonians -
we have
struggled till now and we will struggle in the future to ensure for
them a life
worthy of human beings, and freedom.
Naturally,
we hope for support from Europe, in the first place from
But
we were deceived by them and we no longer have any such hope.
Our
first great disappointment was the appointment of Mr. Phirmilian, and
our last
was the persecution of the Macedonian movement by the present Bulgarian
Government.
The
Russian consuls in
The
present situation is well known to you. We had armed a large number of
detachments, most of which were destroyed by the Turks. Henceforward,
we shall
continue to fight and prepare for a general revolution. We have not
succeeded
so far because we have had no support from outside.
Count
Lamsdorf told us that the Tsar was interested in our fate, and he
advised us to
be prudent and patient, but he did not give us any definite promises.
Already
last year, at conferences, the leaders of the movement had
discussed the
situation and later decided to implore His Majesty the Tsar and Emperor
Franz
Joseph to defend the Macedonian Bulgarians, so that they would be
placed under
the protection of His Majesty.
The
greatest merit for adopting this resolution belongs to the recently
killed
organizer of the active militant agitation - Delchev.
The
aim of this conversation is to ask you to convey this petition to your
Government.
We
have done everything to make the patronage of His Majesty possible: we
have
discussed the possibility of all Macedonian Bulgarians accepting
Catholicism;
there were many difficulties in this, but we are ready to take the
whole
responsibility for the achievement of a union with
This
is the last step we shall take, before we rely only on our tenacity in
the
fight. We do not consider it expedient to stop the struggle now.
Some
of these armed detachments, like those of Alexo Poroiski and Doncho,
which are
gangs of robbers rather than rebels, have slipped out of our control,
and there
are three or four others subordinated directly to General Tsonchev, who
is in
opposition to us.
The
inadequate reforms, the implementation of which is still in doubt, the
outrages
of the Turkish soldiers, the despair of the population and the
inevitable
famine make the outbreak of a general revolution extremely probable.'
In
the course of our conversation, Karayovov confirmed the truth of the
information which I had earlier received in
'We
were against the dynamite attempts in Soloun, which took place before
we were
able to stop them,' explained Mr. Karayovov, 'we shall try to make the
Government pursue a national policy, too, but we are not planning any
attempts
against the life of the Prince.'
When
Karayovov had finished, I answered that I was only a Government
official and
that, as such, I could do nothing except inform my Government of what I
had
been told.
He
probably knows that there is an agreement between the Government of
Austro-Hungary and
The
petition which he submitted, and which was imbued with revolutionary
ideas,
even though it insisted only on patronage, was contrary to the
agreement, and
it could create great difficulties, which would arise with every
similar
intervention on the part of His Royal and Imperial Majesty.
After
his last remark, I asked him whether the Committee would stop the
struggle, if
the reforms produced actual results and if the living conditions of the
Macedonians were really improved.
'We
don't believe this is possible, and we shall lay down our arms only
when
"the European control" guarantees us a constant improvement of the
situation,' was the answer of Karayovov.
'I
was born in
Karayovov
left me at Vakarel station in order to return to
From
this exposition, which throws light on a particular moment in the
development
of the Macedonian movement, I am convinced that this movement is
beginning to
lack the necessary resources for struggle in Macedonia, and that is the
reason
why its leaders are looking for a way out of this difficult situation,
through
some intervention in their favour, even if only moral, and, if that
fails,
through involving Bulgaria in the conflict.
... Lately I have been able to
distinguish two
currents in the Macedonian circles in which I move. One of them, to
which the
well-off and more educated elements belong is definitely for
unification with
But
we must not be deceived by this: the Austrian government is only to establish this autonomy. And
once it has been achieved, the Macedonian people will again
declare their
desire for unification with
For
this reason, the liberating role of
If
they do not aim at an immediate unification with
I
have the honour to notify you that, during the night of the 21st of
this month,
some 900 rebels entered the town of
Many
Turkish farms and crops around Kroushevo and Prilep have been burnt,
and
considerable panic has seized the Turkish population in the vilayet,
all the
more so, because 4-5 armed persons from among the conspirators from
every
Bulgarian village have recently gone out and joined the rebel
detachments.
Your
Excellency, in my humble opinion, affairs here have begun to assume a
very
serious character as well as large proportions; the uprising and the
raids by
the rebel units will not be carried out simultaneously at many places
in the
vilayet. The armed detachments will attack one town or several,
villages at a
time, and others at another time, and this situation will continue till
the
winter, because, as I see it, this is precisely the aim of the
Committee, i.e.
to make the Turks exhaust their forces, and keep them in a state of
continuous
alarm and suspense.
It
will be small wonder, unless fresh reinforcements arrive shortly, if
the rebel
units which are very enthusiastic and encouraged by their success in
Kroushevo,
manage to enter also the towns of Kostour, Prilep and Lerin, because
they are
most powerful in these regions.
The
rebel units operating in the Bitolya vilayet number an estimated
4,500-5,000
men.
Asking to accept the
assurances of my esteem, I remain,
Respectfully yours,
(signature of Head of
Agency)
Immediately
after the outbreak of the Uprising, the Turkish government began to
spread
abroad false reports about atrocities committed by the rebels in the
vilayet of
Bitolya against the peaceful Moslem population in that region.
Obviously this
was done in order to justify as provoked those outrages of the
bashibazouks
which the world will witness after the pacification of the rebellious
slaves.
For this reason, the delegates of the Revolutionary Organization
consider it
necessary to inform misled public opinion that, at the General Congress
of the
Organization which took place on January 5th this year in Soloun, and
at the
district congresses which took place on April 22nd in the Bitolya
region, on
June 15th in the Pirin region, on June 28th in the Odrin region, and on
July
5th in the Skopje region - resolutions were adopted in accordance
with which
the proclamation of the uprising addressed to the already fighting
population
of Macedonia and Odrin,
says:'... We are taking up arms against
tyranny and inhumanity; we are fighting in the name of freedom and
humanity;
therefore, our cause stands above all differences of nationality and
clan. For
this reason, we consider as our brothers all who suffer in the dark
realm of
the Sultan. The Wallachians, the Greeks, even the Turkish peasants are
suffering, as we Bulgarians are suffering, and if today the Greeks and
the
Turks are not fighting in our ranks, we put this down solely to their
ignorance, and we can neither treat them as enemies nor consider them
as such.
Our enemy is only the Turkish government and everyone who comes with
arms or
with false accusations against us, or takes revenge upon defenceless
old
people, women and children, instead of fighting against us. Against him
we shall
fight and on him we shall take our revenge.
For
this reason we order all to act according to the resolutions of the
Central
Congress of IMARO and the regional congresses. Articles 4, 5 and 6 of
these
resolutions state:
“4)
Attacks, according to the circumstances on every armed Turkish
detachment -
both military and bashibazouk.
5)
Defence of the Christian population, including foreign subjects, from
Turkish
attacks.
6)
It is forbidden to attack the peaceful Turkish population, or to molest
Turkish
women, children and old people."
The
population taking part in the uprising understood its leaders well. And
the
delegates of the Revolutionary Organization reject with indignation the
slanders of the Turkish authorities and declare firmly and
categorically that up
till now the rebels have not hurt a hair of an innocent Turk, or
anybody else
of non-Bulgarian nationality.
What
was becoming more and more probable each day has at last happened: the
Bulgarian uprising has begun. It is now clear how wrong were those who
considered that the threat of an uprising in
The
reasons which led to the outbreak of the uprising so early, even
before the
harvest was gathered in, i.e. 14 days earlier than the appointed day,
seem to
have been of an economic and climatic nature. Probably the recent
increased
torture and the searches in the villages caused heavy material losses
to the
local committees, and they were apparently afraid of further losses.
On
Friday, Saturday and Sunday the messengers of the armed detachments
announced
in the villages that the uprising would be proclaimed on Sunday
evening, August
2nd, and everywhere this was received enthusiastically and was greeted
like
some kind of salvation. At the appointed time, fires on all sides gave
the
signal for the rebels to emerge.
In
Bitolya, two gun shots gave the signal for the lighting of two fires,
prepared
on the outskirts of the town, and intended both to serve as a signal
for the
district and to facilitate the escape of the rebels in the chaos which
would
inevitably follow. Since then, the noise and the fires have been
awakening the
population every night, although the fires (hay-lofts, water-mills,
granaries)
have not caused any great damage so far. In many Bulgarian villages
there have
appeared armed detachments, or parts of them, who take away with them
all men
able to bear arms. This usually happens outside the villages and in
places
situated near the principal town of the vilayet, as for example in
Hristophor,
Pozdezh, Zabyani, Orizari, Koukourechani, Tsrnobouki, Srptse, etc. For
this
reason, the fighting forces of the rebels amount to thousands, and it
is not
yet clear what action the movement will undertake.
All
the telegraph wires converging on Bitolya were destroyed,and wires in
other
places were destroyed for many kilometres. The local administration was
able to
communicate with Prilep and Maryovo only by means of a heliostat. Along
the
railway line, 600 metres of double wire are missing near Kravari, south
of
Bitolya, and about 1000 metres between Banitsa and Tserovo, together
with the
posts and the insulators. They were repaired temporarily on the
following day,
but, during the night between August the 3rd and the 4th, 600 metres
of wire were again destroyed near Ekshi-sou.
At
the 174.4th kilometer (near the last-mentioned station) a railway
police
station was set on fire. All this throws wonderful light on the
so-called
excellent protection of the railway.
The
entrance points at the same station which had been destroyed by a
dynamite
explosion, were repaired on Monday, and so was a bridge outside
Sorovich, which
had also been blown up. The trains are moving with great delays. Two
soldiers
were killed by grenades on the railway road near Ekshi-sou, while the
grenades
thrown at two aqueducts did not explode.
The
burning down of the property of the Turkish landlords (as, for
example, in
Zaburdeni, Kroushograd - in the
In
Kazhani, a Moslem Albanian village, 3 hours' walk to the west of
Bitolya, the
population, armed to the teeth, stood on guard day and night, awaiting
the
expected attack.
Resen
was attacked from six directions and the firing went on all night.
Nevertheless, the Bulgarians were not able to enter the village, and
the number
of casualties is not great.
The
objectives of the attack were the three more important military posts,
near
Resen: Kroushe (on the way to Ohrid), then Shour and Stene; the attack
on the
latter did not succeed. At Kroushe-han, the soldiers died from poison.1 Shour-Khan was
burned to ashes and the soldiers managed to save themselves by throwing
down
their arms and running away.
Immediately
after that, it was apparent from the barricades and the trenches that,
on
Sunday evening, an ambush had been laid for the post carriage traveling
between
Bitolya and Korcha. But the post-carriage, which was accompanied by 15
men on
horseback, returned after Prevalets (south of Tsapari), threatened from
all
sides by gun shots and fire.
The
road leading to Stene-Khan was destroyed, as were all the bridges
between Resen
and Ohrid.
Two
villages (Kroushe and Leoreka) near Resen were in
flames last Sunday.
There
is no news from Ohrid.
In
the district of Lerin, the number of rebels reached 1,500 and in Gorno
Neolani
many Turks were killed.
The
bloodiest violence occurred in Smilevo (north of Gopesh), where the
rebels
fired at the small local garrison during prayer time. There were people
killed
in Kroushevo, where the telephone office of the mudir and the small
barracks
were set on fire; the soldiers were defeated and flags were hoisted on
the
higher points in the town. The government officials and gendarmes there
were
killed, and the head of the telegraph office was hanged near the
fountain. The
road which leads up the mountain with many hairpin-bends, was destroyed
and the
rebels occupied the forest. It is considered that the number of the
active
rebels in Smilevo is about five hundred, and those near Kroushevo -
about 800
people. Both villages are still in their hands. I have just received
information from a reliable source that the troops sent from Bitolya to
Prilep
to help Kroushevo recaptured two settlements, and the number of
casualties in
Kroushevo was 170 - Turks, rebels, and local citizens.
Similar
attacks took place, but less successfully, against Pribiltsi, Novo Selo
and
other Moslem settlements in Demir Hissar, where large groups of armed
Bulgarians were moving around with flying banners. The Turkish
landowners
there have asked for arms and ammunition.
Two
hundred and fifty soldiers of the battalion of rediffs in Prishtina
have
departed for Prespa, and brutal outrages can be expected there.
In
several villages exposed to the danger of attack because of the
departure of
the armed men, the children and the women left in the general panic,
for the
mountains with the men as, for example, in the villages of Hristophor,
Oblakovo, Resen, Srubche, where the bashibazouks fired at the people
while they
were climbing the heights. Many were mortally wounded.
From
the Hutova farm (near Smilevo) and from Popolzhani (Lerin
district) several flocks
of sheep were carried away to the mountain to feed the rebels.
Among
the people who have joined the rebel detachments there are members of
notable
families from Bitolya and other settlements, as well as citizens from
Wallachian settlements, as is the case with Turnovo, Magarevo,
Malovishte,
Gopesh, etc.
The
guard on Bitolya was considerably strengthened on the side of the
mountains to
protect the town against possible attacks by rebels - tents on all neighbouring hills and
heights indicate the presence of reinforced military posts.
Massacres
may be expected, when the Moslems, especially those who are being hard
pressed
at present, recover from the first shock and when, after the arrival of
the
expected reinforcements, they feel sure of their superiority. For this
reason,
the situation is very serious.
Your
Excellency,
For
a month now the imperial government has been pressing us with a most
insistent
demand. On July 22 we were summoned to the Palace where His Excellency
the
Grand Vizir and His Excellency the Minister for External Affairs,
after
notifying us that the anticipated uprising had already broken out in
the Bitola
vilayet, and that the government was taking all the necessary military
measures
for its quick suppression, demanded on behalf of the Highest Name that
we issue
a circular letter to our flock with the purpose of pacifying them. On
July 31
we were called to the Palace again. Tahsin Pasha, the First Secretary,
repeated
the demand for a circular letter, pointing out that it was our duty to
the
State to help restore public order, and that it was a duty which the
Greek and
Armenian patriarchs would have immediately fulfilled. On August 7 the
Ministry
of Justice and Religious Denominations, on an order from the Vizir,
notified us
with a formal document that the Chief Inspector Hilmi Pasha had been
instructed
to issue and circulate notices to the Christian population everywhere
asking it
not to allow itself to be misled and deceived by the troublemaking
committees,
but to calm down and return to their homes, and asked us to advise the
population to do the same. On August 18, at 10 o'clock at night, a
special
envoy of the Chief Military Prosecutor, Reshad Pasha, arrived at the
Exarchate
and asked us, in connection with the rumours about some bombing
incidents in
Constantinople in August, to help prevent such incidents through
advice to the
population, or else the government would act severely in case of any
violation
of the peace. The government's insistence to this effect reached its
peak on
August 19 when, according to custom, we went to the Palace to offer our
congratulations on the occasion of the holiday of the Royal ascension
to the
throne. Before being received by His Imperial Majesty, together with
the other
religious leaders, we had to have two interviews with Tahsin Pasha. His
Excellency urged us to assist energetically in the pacification of the
rebels,
to condemn, publicly excommunicate them and to prove our allegiance not
only
with words but also with deeds, making it clear that we, too, would be
held
responsible for any further consequences. His Majesty, the Sultan, he
said, had
been much aggrieved by the ingratitude of the Bulgarians to whom he was
particularly benevolent and to whom he had granted so many benefits,
while they
had failed to appreciate even his present merciful attitude to the
rebels, and
that he now intended to deal with the latter in a most severe manner.
The First
Secretary even wanted to make our reception by the Sultan conditional
upon our
promise that nothing untoward would happen in the capital that day, as
if that
depended upon us. In conclusion, he said that His Majesty should be
everything
to us, and that we were left no other choice but either to heed his
advice and
secure the well-being of Church and people, or to reject it, and
thereby
endanger the Exarchate itself.
Whenever
the circular letter in question was demanded, we kept requesting that
His
Majesty relieve us of this task which would be of no use to the
government, and
which was putting us in a very difficult position, because, first and
foremost,
circular letters and excommunications cannot possibly pacify a
population which
has resorted to arms to save itself from its wretched plight, while the
government does nothing to understand, and if possible, satisfy its
demands,
and offer a remedy for its suffering. Secondly, we issued such
circular
letters on two occasions last autumn when the uprising in Syar sandjak
and the
Kostour area broke out and, at the request of the Court, we promised
the
population reforms, while the result was that whole villages were
burnt, ruined
or plundered, and many people killed. We, as a pastor, do not want to
have such
victims on our conscience. Thirdly, the rebel population wants us, as
its
religious leader, to raise our voice in defense of its human rights,
or, at
least, to stay neutral. In the fourth place, many of the organs of the
Exarchate in the province such as bishop's representatives, chairmen of
communes, priests and teachers have been arrested, interned or forced
to flee,
and there is nobody to whom we can send a circular letter. In the fifth
place,
the government itself has undermined the authority and prestige of the
Exarchate by adopting the practice of not complying even with its
smallest
requests, of subjecting its flock to harassment and suffering, and of
patronizing, in every possible way, Greek and Serbian propaganda in its
efforts
to disunite and obliterate the Bulgarian nationality in the vilayets.
But the
government would not enter into any discussion or listen to
reason. It firmly
insists on the execution of the will of His Majesty, and on its duty to
the
State.
We
are, thus, faced with the dilemma of either refusing to satisfy the
government's demand and put at stake everything achieved so far,
including the
very existence of the Exarchate, or comply with it, and even though
against our
will, bear the moral responsibility to our flock and to our conscience,
while
the population falls victim, like last autumn, to new, and even more
cruel
deceptions, because nobody offers any guarantees either to us or
to them.
As
you see, Sir, the Exarchate does not want to interfere in the affairs
between
the government and the committees to which effect you spoke in your
telegram
No. 434, but the government is drawing it into these affairs against
its will.
Since
in 3-4 days’ time they will come for our final reply, I consider it as
our duty
to ask in advance the opinion of the Prince's Government on this
matter, one of
crucial import under the present trying circumstances. We firmly
believe that
the government, aware of all the urgency of the question, and of the
consequences its solution may have one way or another, will promptly
let us
know of its position.
We
shall pray for God's blessings upon you, and remain in His name, your
sincere
supplicant in Christ,
Yossif, Exarch of
The
impression which the public has of events here is very often quite
erroneous.
There is much talk of 'a second renewal of the uprising in
The
only earlier attempt at a revolt which can be taken into account was
the one
undertaken in a state of complete blindness last autumn by the
committee of
Tsonchev in the region of Razlog, near the Bulgarian frontier, but
which, however,
was limited to only a few villages and, for this reason, ended in
disaster.
Things
are quite different, however, here, in the vilayet of Bitolya. Here
they are
really working for a revolt, the first in
This
is not just the work of individual agitators and criminals as many
newspapers
assert, but an outburst of discontent on the part of a whole people. It
is not
happening because of a desire for adventure on the part of some
unemployed
people - it is a call for help from a heavily oppressed population
struggling
for its freedom and well-being.
Here
the uprising is almost general, it embraces almost the whole Slav part of the vilayet, i.e. the sandjak
of Bitolya with its five districts (Kichevo, Ohrid,
Bitolya, Prilep, Lerin), part of the district of
Kostour in the sandjak of Korcha, and some villages in the district of
Kailyari
in the sandjak of Selfidje. In this region,
the Bulgarian population totals more than 250,000 people, the majority
of whom
sympathize with the revolution and support it openly or secretly.
It
is now the task of the other consuls to consider whether this movement
will
spread with the same force to the neighbouring vilayets, or whether
there are
obstacles in the way, as, for example, the fact that some regions are
subordinated
to the organization of the Supreme Committee and not to the Internal
Organization, the successful confiscation of arms on the part of the
Turks, unfavourable
geographical and ethnical conditions, and so on. If there is no
comparable
further spread of the conflagration outside the vilayet, the Turks will
be able
to suppress the uprising here with fire and blood, but even they do not
dare to
hope at present that they will extinguish the conflagration. It will
continue
to smoulder under the snows of winter, and, at the first opportunity,
will
burst in flames again, perhaps even stronger, because the despair of
the
thousands of people without shelter and maintenance, victims of the
present
uprising, knows no limit, and there will be sufficient time to bring
the other
vilayets in as well.
Many
false rumours are spreading all over the world about the uprising in
the
vilayet of Bitolya. My love of truth, and not my partiality towards the
Christians, or towards any other nationality (I have often demonstrated
my
particular sympathy for the Moslems) compels me to state - contrary to
the view
which the press maintains with such obvious signs of satisfaction -
that the
behaviour of the rebels was human and loyal, while the behaviour of the
Turks
was barbarian, cruel and Asiatic. That the rebels did not use
kid-gloves in
their dealings with their enemies - that is quite natural in a
revolution. The
same refers to the destroying of communications, railways and
telegraphs in
order to prevent the enemy from concentrating many troops and the
system of
communications from functioning normally. In order to weaken the enemy
materially, the rebels burnt farm houses, the so-called 'bulwarks,' of
the
Turkish oppressors. That is, they never did any indiscriminate harm to
the
Turks, nor to the villages and houses of the innocent, nor to those who
did not
take part in the actions against them.
The
Turks, on the contrary, are very weak and unable to fight with the
rebels in
the mountains, but they are sometimes enraged because of their
failures. Then
they rush into the villages and, after plundering the houses, they kill
most of
the population, rape the women and girls, and burn down their houses.
I
shall not fail to insert in my report all the evidence confirming my
assertions,
together with the details.
Those
killed are alleged to have fallen in battle, and, furthermore, as it
is said, any violation is to be
explained away by ambushes or bombings.
In
fact, ever since the
The
so-called 'atrocities' of the rebels, about which so much commotion has
been
raised, are pure legends at present, and ever since military operations
started
not a single murder for revenge has been committed here.
The
assertion that the suppression of the uprising has not yet begun
because of the
Turks' humanitarian intention of avoiding unnecessary bloodshed is
quite
ridiculous. The sole reason for this is the chaos in the Turkish camp,
their
lack of preparedness and their indecision, as well as the strength of
the
Bulgarian positions. Also, there is no negotiation with the rebels; this would probably be only a waste of
time, due to the violent searches for weapons, by beating the heels of
the
people who are being interrogated. There is not a single case of rebels
returning to their villages while still armed; on the contrary, those
who have
returned are usually unarmed persons who had run away, driven by fear,
and have
now returned to their villages. This is only to the advantage of the
rebels,
since they are having difficulties over food supplies.
Until
July 20 there were between 100 and 150 troops permanently stationed in
the
villages of Zagorichani, Visheni, Konomladi, Pozdivishta, Gabresh,
Roulya,
Dumbeni, Kossinets, Ketram and Kondorabi to hunt down the hitherto
small rebel
units supporting the Revolutionary Committee. The troops in Visheni
were
attacked by the leaders V. Chekelarov and Klyashev, together with the
village
leaders. There were 350 rebels under the leadership of the
above-mentioned
leaders and commanders. The attack was carried out from all sides, and
after a
3-hour battle the troops left the village and took to flight, the
darkness of
the night saving them from complete extermination. The rebels captured a rifle, cartridges and some food.
Five soldiers were killed, while there were no rebel losses. Forty agas
from
the Turkish
On
July 23 the rebels attacked and captured the small town of
On
July 24 Lazo P. Traikov (a leader) with 400 rebels from the Dumbeni and
Smurdesh centres, attacked the Mohammedan Turkish
On July 26 a 700-strong
Turkish force left
Kostour, set the
On August 4, 300 rebels,
together with the
Lerin unit of Georgi P. Hristov, decided to attack the tower near the
village
of Psoderi where there were 50 soldiers in addition to the troops
stationed in
Psoderi (100 men). But at dawn, when the rebels were taking the heights
overlooking
Psoderi, they ran into Turkish advance patrols. Fire was suddenly
opened, and
the rebels realized that they would have to deal with many soldiers who
had
just arrived at the tower'7 from Lerin. A fierce battle
broke out
which lasted from morning till almost nightfall. The soldiers numbered
more
than 1,500, while those from Psoderi and the reinforcements were up to
2,000
men. It took the Turks enormous efforts to capture a single rebel
position, and
in so doing, they suffered more than 100 dead and some 50 were wounded.
The
Turks attacked with both mountain and field artillery, while the rebels
used
bombs before abandoning the above-mentioned position. The position was
being
held by the centre leader Mitre Pandjourov with an insufficient number
of rebels,
mostly inexperienced ones, and after he was wounded, the position was
abandoned, the rebels leaving behind 6 dead and 3 wounded. All the
other
positions held out heroically under a shower of bullets and frequent
grenade
explosions. The Turks made a last big effort to capture the other
peaks,
sparing no cartridges, but they did not succeed in advancing a step
further.
The defeat of the Turks was stunning and their losses enormous, and
that is why
on their way back to Lerin, the troops took their revenge on the
innocent
That
same day, August 4, the Turks set fire to the villages of Kossinets,
Lobanitsa,
Zhoupanitsa and Orman where they killed many old people and women and
took
girls, married women and children into captivity. While all these
events were
taking place in the western part, in the eastern one the rebels burnt
down
several Turkish farms around Vrabchinsko lake, and attacked the
Circassian
Yanaki Iliev Ilia Novachkov Nastovitsa Vulkoska Nikolitsa Gavalova Nakovitsa Surbinova Soulta Atanassova |
age
110 70 80 70 25 30 |
shot dead - - - died of fright - |
Dyamo Markov Lamoro Tsilev Mara Derondovska |
age 45 20 65 |
shot dead - - |
Mitre
Terziovski Turpen Angelkov Yoshe Radkov Dimko Goulev Traiko Angelkov Savro Kenkov Kolo Sternov (idiot) Lazovitsa Karadjova Dimkovitsa Soulmezova Mitreitsa Hadjiovska P. Traikovitsa Stoyanitsa Karadjova Traikovitsa Brichenka |
age 95 80 80 75 85 80 19 70 65 65 |
shot dead - stabbed to death cut to pieces shot dead - - - disembowled - wounded - - |
The priest's wife Tolo Goulov Mitre Kapidanchev Stoyan Dimov Naké Gologachev Nakovitsa Gologacheva Mitre Kolomanchev Nake Donev Lazovitsa Kamidanka Ilovitsa Markovichina Naoum Mungov Dono Midjov Lazor Sotirchev Dina Sotirovska Kolovitsa Bogdanoska Gelovitsa Dimitrova |
age 70 75 60 75 65 62 62 60 23 21 75 65 |
shot dead - - - bayonetted to death cut to pieces - shot dead - - - - wounded - - wounded with a dagger |
Priest
Kostadin Turpo Melov Kirpako Atanassov Dine Nakov Naoum Kiriazov Vassil Shopov Kolo Nolovski Sider Andreev Panaet Yanev Nasso Delov Niko Apostolov |
age 70 60 15 50 22 45 75 55 45 60 62 |
killed in Kostour - - shot dead slaughtered - - shot dead - - stabbed to death |
Vassil
Kisselinchev Tsveta V. Kisselincheva Trendo Matsanov Manousha T. Matsanova Despa T. Otseva Elena S. Gershanova Mara Penova Kiro Glavkovski Mara H. Toumbarova Iliya A. Petkov Gergo Roukov Mitrovitsa Pelicharka Kolo Petkov Stoyan Matsanov Pene Poulyachev |
age 86 88 90 78 72 73 70 64 27 13 62 50 51 60 70 |
shot dead
- - stabbed to death - slaughtered - shot dead - - - - - - - |
Damyan Soulov Peter Popov Damyan Bozhkov Hristo Bozhkov Sido P. Yarmov Filo Rozov Dine Glavchev Mitre Babchorliata Sia Babchoreva Rissa Fyanova |
50 53 59 35 60 63 81 73 50 28 |
shot dead - - - slaughtered stabbed to death shot dead - cut to pieces slaughtered |
Dine Ishkov Gilé Sotirov Sido Bakrachev Priest Kocho Kolé Leika Dino Kalkov |
65 73 81 70 60 85 |
slaughtered
- shot dead - - - |
Trifouna Gyoveva
Ivan Chekandonov Ilia Stoumbov Vangel Chamnov Teodossi Tishmirov Pando Pishmirov Pando Golichev Mihail Boshev Peter Tsalov Nounta Tomeva Nasso Kiriev Spasse Koliga Steryo Nakev Pandovitsa Pishmirova Dimiter Pishmirov Dosta P. Pishmirova |
age 49 63 38 17 62 45 60 70 53 50 11 60 12 |
slaughtered - shot dead - - - cut to pieces - - shot dead cut to pieces - - wounded with a bayonet - - |
Naki G. Korolov Priest Yani Gligor Petreski Gelé Meanchevi Lazo Sotirov Kursto Kolchov Lazo Perela Stasso Petreski |
age 73
75 73 65 45 57 76 62 |
shot dead - - - - - cut to pieces wounded |
Milo Dimitrovski Stavrovitsa Zdrolova Dochka S. Zdrolova Dinovitsa Surbova Noumovitsa Surbova Noumovitsa Surbova Rista Surbova Labro Surbov Surbo Surbov Rista N. Poryagova Mara H. Stancheva Sotiritsa Lyachka Tsveta P. Lyachka Tsvetkovitsa Ninova Turpo T. Ninov Nasso Mimchev Ivan Orlinov Ivanitsa Gouleva Hristina Gouleva Ivan Hristov |
age 60 3 52 52 28 20 8 4 20 11 40 12 36 6 60 28 35 2 14 |
village of Lobanitsa Dumbeni - Kossinets - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - |
missing captured - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - |
Iliya T. Postolov Kosta Y. Peov Todor Stavreski Kiriyako N. Zhaikov Georgi Y. Stoichev Gile T. Gilev Tanas P. Stoichev Georgi I. Ognenev Tanas M. Gechov Ivan T. Markovski Dine I. Markovski Yané M. Dimov Leko M. Dimov Vassil F. Milentsev Filo M. Kochov Ivan M. Koulavsov Kolevitsa Belcheva Zissovitsa Stavreska Elena Stasseva |
age 30
25 50 60 50 20 50 60 60 60 30 60 50 18 70 60 40 70 2 |
shot dead - cut to pieces - stabbed to death - - slaughtered - shot dead - - slaughtered shot dead cut to pieces shot dead slaughtered - cut to pieces |
To
the Esteemed Government of the Principality of
In
view of the critical and terrible situation of the Bulgarian population
of the
Bitolya vilayet following the devastations and cruelties perpetrated by
the
Turkish troops and bashibazouks, in view of the fact that these
devastations
and cruelties continue systematically, and that one cannot foresee how
far they
will reach; in view, furthermore, of the fact that here everything
Bulgarian is
running the risk of perishing and being obliterated without a trace by
violence, hunger and by approaching poverty, the General Staff
considers it its
duty to draw the attention of the Esteemed Bulgarian Government to the
fatal
consequences for the Bulgarian nation, if it fails to discharge
its duty to
its own brothers here in an impressive and energetic manner, made
imperative by
force of circumstances and by the danger threatening the common
Bulgarian homeland
at the present moment.
In
the belief that the Esteemed Government is sufficiently well informed
about the
utter devastation of the vilayet, we consider it superfluous to repeat
the
facts in all their details here, and will confine ourselves to summing
up the
situation and the foreseeable consequences threatening our people in
several
points:
1.
Both in the villages that have been burnt down or abandoned, and in the
remaining Bulgarian villages, with very few exceptions, that part of
the crop
which was not burnt remains unharvested because any woman or man who
appeared
before the eyes of the patrolling troops and bashibazouks would be
murdered;
the crops are being gathered in by the Turkish population under the
protection
of the Turkish authorities. A large part of them, as well as of the
plundered
farm animals, are being used as provisions for the troops.
2.
All equipment, implements and cattle used to till the land were
destroyed by
fire in the villages that were burnt down, while in the remaining
villages,
they were plundered by the troops and bashibazouks.
3.
Almost all the small farm animals, which provide the means of
livelihood for
the greater part of the mountain population, were either destroyed or
taken
away, on orders from the authorities.
4. All
burnt-down villages were pillaged before they were set on fire; the
same fate
befell literally all villages that have not yet been burnt; their
houses were
stripped to the walls, and their inhabitants - men, women and children,
were
forced to flee with only the clothes which they had on their backs.
5.
In the burnt-down villages, religious rites were abandoned and the
churches
reduced to ashes, and in those villages which have escaped burning, the
churches have been sacked, damaged and desecrated. In many places, the
Turks
used them as stables or latrines during their stay in the villages,
e.g. in the
villages of Tat-Mourounishta, Smilevo, Kriveni, Kroushe and others.
6.
Not a single Bulgarian school is now open, or is likely to open, for
the
following reasons: a) the population has been scattered in consequence
of the
Turkish terror; b) almost all the teachers, as well as the priests,
have joined
the detachments, and will consequently not be considered eligible by
the
Turkish authorities for the posts they used to hold; c) no one gives a
thought
to learning when he is outlawed in the country where he lives, simply
because
he calls himself Bulgarian and fights against hunger.
7.
At many places the Turkish authorities have announced to the
population which had
not fled, that, if it wishes to be spared, it should accept the
jurisdiction of
the Patriarchate. There were cases of this kind in the regions of
Ohrid,
Bitolya, Lerin and Kostour, where the troops, accompanied by the Greek
bishop,
forced the population to surrender their arms and to recognize the
Patriarchate.
8.
After our first offensive, we were forced to adopt a passive course of
action,
because, whenever we engaged in encounters with the mobilized Turkish
battalions, either in skirmishes or from positions previously taken,
depending
on our tactics, the Turks after the end of fighting, would attack the
unarmed
men in the locality, and the women and children, killing all they could
lay
hands on, violating women and girls, setting fire to the villages that
had not
yet been burnt and to the woods around them, and taking away the farm
animals
that had been spared in earlier raids. There were cases of this kind in
the
villages of Armensko (Lerin district), where 114 old people, women and
children
were-massacred, Kroushe, Leoreka, Kriveni, Zlatari, Boino, Podmochani,
Elha and
others (Resen district), Plake, Rechitsa, Siroulya, Kouratitsa and
others
(Ohrid district); Smilevo, Dyavato (Bitolya district), etc., etc.
In
view of the above, we call the attention of the Esteemed Bulgarian
Government
to the state of distress and helplessness to which our people have been
reduced
and to the sad and cruel fate threatening them in the immediate future,
both as
regards their property and health, and as regards their churches and
schools.
Being witnesses of this desperate plight, we venture to outline to you,
in
positive terms, the dark prospects of the future, as follows:
1.
As a result of hunger, poverty and the approaching winter, one-third of
our
people is doomed to certain death.
2.
As the farm animals and agricultural implements have fallen prey to
fire or the
Turks, the population, even if it is left in peace, having no means
with which
to till the land, will be compelled to give it up to the Turks and the
fanatic
supporters of the Greeks, and will thus entirely be reduced to the
position of
share-croppers or hired labourers.
3.
The remaining part of the population, spiritually deprived and lacking
the bare
necessities of life, will be unable to resist the desire of the Turkish
authorities and the tempting or threatening agitation of the unbridled
Greek
bishops and their organs, and is certain to accept the authority of the
Greek
Patriarchate, thereby being lost forever to the Bulgarian church and
nation.
4. A
further circumstance that we should not omit to mention is the
following: For
some time, now Catholic and Protestant missionaries have been
approaching the
Bulgarian population with secret proposals to accept the authority of
their
churches, if they wish to be protected from Turkish outrages. It will
not be
surprising if that part of the population that did not succumb to the
Greek
enticements might be prevailed upon to adopt Roman Catholicism or
Protestantism.
In
view of all this we are astonished that the Esteemed Government, which
has the
destinies of the Bulgarian people in its hands, can continue to look
with such
composure upon the systematic extermination of the Bulgarian population
and the
decline of our Bulgarian fame and honour before the world.
Placed
at the head of the people's movement here, we appeal to you on behalf
of the
enslaved Bulgarians, to come to their assistance in the most
effective way,
i.e. by declaring war. We are confident that this call will be echoed
by the
people in Free Bulgaria.
Awaiting
your patriotic intervention, we are pleased to inform you that we are keeping in readiness those of our
armed forces which we have so far spared.
From the General Staff
... 1But some ill-intentioned people who do not
wish to let
people take advantage of these improvements, caring only for their
personal
interests are telling lies to the simple people and are committing
disgusting
crimes. There is no justification in the lies and assurances with which
the
Bulgarians are being tempted. All civilized nations in
For
this reason, all those Bulgarians who have been misled and have left
their
firesides and their trade are, for the last time, urged to go back to
their
homes and their villages; those who fail to return and take advantage
of the
mercy offered by the government will be punished and killed most
mercilessly.
... 1It is being announced with due seriousness
that those
Bulgarians who have been deceived by the false agitations of the
bandits and
who have abandoned their families and their household obligations
and have
joined the bandits' detachments, should from now on refrain from
being tempted
by their deceitful agitations and promises and should go back to their
villages
and their homes. They should also take advantage of the imperial royal
mercy
and accept the pardon granted by the government.
It
is being announced for the last time that those who refuse to submit to
the
above counsel, who do not refrain from bandit actions, and who do not
return to
their homes and accept the government pardon will be hunted down and
destroyed.
Mr.
Governor,
We
send you our answer to the appeal to us to return to our native places.
We
all desire to return to our native places, but not as slaves, as we
have been
till now, but as free citizens, having the same rights as the Turks.
The
population of the villages set on fire by the Turks, such as Belitsa
with 500
Bulgarian houses, Obidim with 300 Bulgarian houses, Kremen with 200
Bulgarian
houses, Mehomia and Bachevo with 150 Bulgarian houses each - has
nowhere to
live and nowhere to spend the winter. And we would return voluntarily
to our
homes if we were accompanied by Bulgarian, Russian or Austrian
officials
providing they do not abandon us to the arbitrary power of the Sultan's
authorities, and after peace has been restored in the country,
according to
the reforms promised by the Berlin Congress.
Accept,
Mr Governor, our assurances of our sincere respect: (signed):
Priest
Ivan P. Nenov, Alexo S. Balev, Iliya Vassilev Popov, G. I. Kovachev, T.
Nikolov, Sava Georgiev, Lazar Georgiev Koutin, Sofroni Iliev, Sofroni
Georgiev,
Stoyan Pavlev, N. Lazarov and N. G. Kifev.
Sir,
As
one who had the exceptional opportunities for studying the
Macedonian problem
from the inside, I may perhaps be permitted to point out some of the
most
essential conditions of the present situation. / have traversed
Let
me begin by correcting an almost universal fallacy. There are no Macedonians.
There are Bulgars. There are Roumans - the relics of the
Latin-speaking
provincials of
It
is an unpleasant duty to have to tell one's friend home truths, but the
Greek
claim to
One
of the most comic results of this competitive ethnography was a map
published
some years ago under Athenian auspices and circulated in this
country. According
to this
The
fact is that even in this country - largely owing to interested efforts
to
disguise the true situation - the great preponderance of the Bulgar
element
in
Mr.
Agent,
I
have the honour to inform you of the following example, concerning the
situation of the refugees who have returned from the burnt villages in
Razlog
district.
Before
the misfortune, Belitsa had 400 Bulgarian and 100 Turkish houses. Only 14 of the Bulgarian houses were
spared, and 42 of the Turkish were burnt down.
The
commission in charge of receiving the refugees has given each person
three
rusks (about one oka, equal to 1,225 g) on the frontier, and has
supplied them
with draught animals for the transportation of their luggage from the
frontier
to Yakorouda. The refugees had to take care of themselves from
Yakorouda to the
village. The families who arrived first went hungry for two days. After
that a
commission, consisting of one police officer and two local Turks,
distributed
to each of the refugees, on arrival, 40 oki of maize (about 26 oki of
grain)
and 150 drams of beans to last them for two months, and half a Turkish
lira to
each family for the purchase of farm implements. The maize and the
beans were a
tithe collected from the produce of the Bulgarians who had fled.
However, no
mention was made of returning the food of the refugees from whom the
tithe had
been collected.
Apart
from this aid, on the 3rd of this month, Mrs. King Louis (an English
woman, one
of those who were sent to distribute the British aid to the people who
had been
affected by the uprising) gave one Turkish lira to each Bulgarian
family, and
on the 6th the Right Reverend Holy Metropolitan of Nevrokop gave 10
grosh to
each.
The
Turks whose houses have been burnt have so far received from the
government 6
Turkish liras each and one lira each from Mrs King Louis.
The
district governor (kaimakam) is helping the refugees to find and
retrive their
personal belongings which had been plundered. Whatever cattle or
household
property they recognize, is returned to them, on payment of something
to those
who have kept and fed the cattle, if they had not made use of them.
After
the people had fled, some of their animals were taken away by the
authorities
and sold by auction. The money received by the authorities is now being
returned to the owners of the cattle.
The
land-bank has granted each family 300-500 grosh for a term of ten years
at an
ordinary interest and under mutual guarantee. It is assumed, however,
that the
bank has borrowed the entire sum from the State, so that the credit of
the
farmers had not been reduced.
Seeds
for sowing have not been distributed.
The
Turks have ploughed and sowed the best fields of the refugees; most of
the
fields they have left fallow. The authorities have ordered that the
produce
from these fields be divided equally between the owner of the field and
the one
who has cultivated it. The authorities have allowed here an injustice,
which it
was probably difficult to avoid: according to the local custom, the
produce is
divided in two only when all the work had been done by the lessee and
all the
seeds belong to him, while in this case the Turks have only sown after
one
ploughing, while the refugees had ploughed 3 and 4 times before
preparing the
fallow.
The
houses are being built very slowly because there are no draught
animals, nor
implements and building materials. All are still homeless. So far, only
one
house has been built, by someone who did not flee and started building
it in
March. It is feared, and some do not doubt that most will spend the
coming
winter without a roof over their heads. The authorities have promised
financial
aid for the construction of the houses, but, so far, they have not
provided
any. Moreover, the authorities have put the people of Yakorouda under
the
obligation to transport the necessary beams free, but so far they
have
transported only 70, and these, too, have been taken by the Turks.
The
village has good pasture lands which provided the commune with an
annual income
of 100-120 Turkish liras. Three quarters of this income went to the
Bulgarian
commune and one fourth to the Turkish one. For 5-6 years now, however,
the
state has laid its hands on these pastures. The district governor has
now
managed to order the return of the pastures to the village and part was
sold to
Karakachans for 85 liras. The Turkish village elder, however, wanted to
pocket
all the 85 liras, so as to use them for the construction of the
blockhouse at
Semkovo, on the road to Samokov, which the rebels had burnt down last
year. The
Bulgarians complained to the governor, and he told them that they will
get
their share.
As
you may well see, Mr. Agent, one would strain one's conscience if one
were to
reproach the authorities in Razlog. And according to everybody, the
credit goes
to the district governor.
Unfortunately,
we cannot say the same about the Nevrokop district. We do not yet have
complete
and detailed information about that region, but from what is so far
known, the
situation differs from that in Razlog. In Baldevo, for instance, the
tax
collector arrived immediately after Mrs. King Louis had left and
collected the
aid given by her for the cattle tax. On the day after Mrs. King Louis's
departure from Obidim, the tax collector arrived there to collect the
same tax,
but the villagers refused to pay. And those who went to the district
governor
to complain, or ask for his advice and help, were sent back to their
masters,
who had allegedly incited them to rise.
Mr. Veran, whom I had
informed
about the collection of tax in Obidim and Baldevo, went to ask the
governor of
his vilayet about the affair. He told him that no such orders had been
given
and that only those people or villages which were explicitly mentioned
in the
order which he had received, were exempt from taxes.
The burnt-down villages
are
most affected by the lack of small implements, such as hoes,
spades, adzes and
hand saws. If it is possible to send a few hundred, this will be of
much
greater help than the distribution of financial aid.
Accept,
etc.
Head
of the Agency (signed) G. Stoev
I
received the permit from Your Highness on May 20th this year, under No.
243,
together with the attached petition from the Greek Patriarch, in which
he
complains of the violence used by the Bulgarians against the Greek
population
in order to compel it to join the Bulgarian Exarchate, and the conduct
of the foreign
gendarme officers, who have shown favouritism to the Bulgarians.
The
violence described in the petition of the Greek Patriarch is partially
true.
Like the rebel detachments, both the Bulgarian teachers and clergy are
persuading and threatening the supporters of the Patriarchate who speak
the
Slav language in order to make them accept the spiritual jurisdiction
of the
Exarchate. These endeavours of the Bulgarians are due to the rumour
that, according
to the Murzsteg Reforms, the administrative division of the country
will be
based on the number of the population. Petitions are constantly
arriving with
requests to joining the Exarchate, but since force was used, and owing
to other
considerations of state, it is not in the interests of the state to
increase
the number of the Bulgarians. For this reason, such requests are not
complied
with, and, at the same time, confidential advice is given to the Greek
metropolitans as to how they should proceed in such cases.
To
the foreign officers, who side with the Bulgarians, it is explained
that
requests of such a kind will be complied with only when the Bulgarian
rebel
detachments cease to exist.
From
the inquiries made, it appears that the complaints of the Greek bishops
and
leaders, that during their inspection tour in the district of Soloun
the
Russian gendarme officers resided in Bulgarian houses, and that they
favoured
the Bulgarians, are greatly exaggerated.
Because
it is the duty of foreign gendarme officers to see to the
organization of the
gendarmerie and not to favour some to the detriment of others, I have
made the
necessary representation to De Giorgis Pasha, and I believe that he
will forbid
the officers to interfere in matters outside their competency.
The
most appropriate way of preserving the Greek population from the
violence of
the Bulgarian rebel detachments is to intensify the pursuit of the
latter, and
to put gendarme posts in all threatened Greek villages.
Because
it has not so far been found possible to destroy the Bulgarian rebel
detachments or even to curb their violence, this gives the Patriarchate
cause
to complain and creates despondency among the Greek population.
To
prevent the patriarchists from going over to the Exarchate, the
churches and
the schools in such villages should not be given to the Bulgarians and
they
should not even be allowed to go to church. I recommended this measure
in my
report of May 30th, 1902. Thanks to imperial justice, this measure is
being
applied.
The
undersigned: I, the mayor, and the notables of the
1)
Already on May 20th this year, in a petition to the governor of
Koukoush and to
the Holy Exarchate, signed by all the people of the village, we
declared that,
henceforward, we shall say our prayers and teach our children in our mother tongue - the Bulgarian language,
and that we acknowledge the spiritual supremacy of the Bulgarian
Exarchate. We
are doing this by the general agreement of all the peasants and without
any
outside influence.
2)
Immediately after we had sent a petition to this effect, a gendarme
captain
and some police officers with three armed horsemen came to our village.
They
interrogated each of the peasants separately, asking whether they had
signed
the petition renouncing the Patriarchate. All the peasants
categorically
declared to the officers that they had renounced the foreign
Patriarchate voluntarily
and consciously and that henceforward they wanted to pray to God in
their
churches and to educate their children in their mother Bulgarian
tongue, which
they understood.
3)
Five or six days after that strict inquiry, the military officer
Belialaa with
his clerk Osman Efendi, accompanied by 40 soldiers, came to our
village. To our
great surprise, these officers of the government called all the
peasants
together and told us that they had orders to lock our church. The said
Belialaa
sealed the church and took the key away with him.
4)
Soon afterwards, when we went to the governor of Koukoush and asked him
on what
grounds our church had been closed, thus depriving us of the
possibility of
praying to God, he answered that the closing of the church had been
ordered by
the vilayet authorities.
Three
whole months have passed since the closing of our church: during this
time, we
have been unable to conduct any Christian rituals. We have no place in
which to
baptize our new-born babies, and if someone dies, we have no place to
hold a
funeral service. We have been living through a period of pure paganism:
the
fast before St Peter's Day passed and not a single Christian was able
to
receive the Blessed Sacrament on St Peter's Day; the fast before Virgin
Mary's
Day also passed and no holy service was conducted on the greatest
Christian
holiday - the Virgin Mary's Day. Our church is still locked and sealed.
Nobody
among us can understand the reasons for the closing of our church. If
we had
had any disagreements in our village, we would suppose that this had
been done
to preserve order and peace in the village. And now when we, all the
tax-payers
of the village, have agreed and all of us desire what the law allows
us, now
when we are looking for the right which H.I.M. the Sultan has given us,
now
when we want to pray to God and educate our children in our mother
Bulgarian
tongue, that is, now, when we want to enjoy the liberty of the
proclaimed
religious freedom, our churches are closed and we are forbidden to
pray
to God.
Your
Excellency,
Please
come to our aid, and be so kind as to give the necessary orders as soon
as
possible to help our most wretched village to have its church opened,
thus
enabling us to pray to God in our mother Bulgarian tongue and to praise
our
father - the Sultan, in this understandable language.
Convinced
that our request will be taken into your kind consideration,
Yours
respectfully for all the villagers
Mayor:
Traiko Mitre
Notables:
Atanas Traikov, Gono Deliyov, Atanas Popov, Vassil Mitrev, Peno Mitre,
Lazar
Konstantinov
With
the unexpected arrival of winter, the rebel movement in the vilayets
has again
faded into the background. It is true that there are still some
Bulgarian, as
well as Greek and Serbian, detachments, but they have come down from
the
snow-covered mountains to the villages where they are going to spend
the winter
undisturbed.
Now
the authorities have the best chance of capturing the rebels who are so
difficult to find during the good seasons of the year and whose haunts
are, by
the way, well-known to the authorities. As a result of what happened in
the
middle of October, after the affair in Brod, and the appearance of the
Greek
rebel detachments in the vicinity of Lerin, several patrols were sent,
but not
to defeat the rebels; the lack of activity on the part of the
authorities is
largely due to Ramazan.
The
general opinion here is that this weakness could have some very
dangerous
consequences in the spring, because it is said here that the
Committee is
preparing for a new struggle in which dynamite will again be very
widely used.
The rumours spread by the Bulgarians are reaching more and more people
and are
intended to incite and frighten the population.
But
in spite of the Greek counter-actions, the Bulgarians have achieved
considerable success this year. The numerous murders of Slav supporters
of the
patriarchate and the cases of arson have made a deep impression on the
population
here, and, in the future, many people may go over to the Exarchate and
increase
the number of the revolutionary Bulgarians. Thus, this season too the
elders of
the villages supporting the Patriarchate are asking themselves whether,
in view
of the threat from the rebel detachments, it would not be better for
them to
join the Exarchate.
In
spite of the repeated efforts of the Russian consulate and of ours, the
local
authorities have as yet done nothing to provide protection for the
threatened
supporters of the Patriarchate and, unfortunately, together with the
traditional Turkish carelessness, it appears that the old Turkish
attitude of
letting the Christians struggle among themselves has not
disappeared. Thus,
for example, the operation against the Greek rebel detachments was a
complete
failure. It is rumoured here that the troops' sole engagement with
these
detachments (near Syatista in the district of Kostour, where the Greek
officer
Pavlos Mellas was killed) took place only because the authorities in
Kostour,
led by the Bulgarian peasants, had expected to find the terrible rebel
leader,
Mitre Vlaha.
The
Bulgarian rebel leader, Damyan Grouev, was detained by the Serbian
rebel detachment
of Mitsko for several weeks in the region of Porech, but he was later
released,
and returned to
The
activities of the local authorities are paralyzed owing to financial
difficulties.
After the collection of the tithes, the picture will become clearer and
I shall
take the liberty of sending a special report in this connection.
The
treasuries are quite empty, and the officers and the clerks have not
received
any pay for 4 months now. The troops have had no meat for several
weeks, and
only the receipt of their pay, just before Ramazan, prevented serious
disorders.
The
treasurer comes to the town hall very rarely; he excuses himself by
saying he
is ill and he stays at home to save himself from the violence of those
waiting
in the building to receive their pay.
It
was after the assassination of Minister Belchev in
In
……………
I
spent the following year in Salonica in the printing shop of
Semerdjiev. There
I met some old comrades: Poparsov, Andon Dimitrov2 (born in
the
During
the first year, we admitted into the new organization two or three
graduates of
the high school in Soloun: Alexander Panov - a teacher in Prilep, who
afterwards pursued his studies in
Highly esteemed Mr.
Agent,
The task of the
Bulgarian
trade agents in Macedonia and the Odrin region is to link the enslaved
Bulgarian people in Turkey with those in the free Bulgarian
Principality, and
to describe the hardships of the former under the Turkish regime most
vividly,
and to expose systematically and in detail all the killings, plunder
and abuses
which are being committed by the Turkish lawless and shameless
authorities.
Unfortunately, however, some of the trade agents, proceeding from their
strictly defined instructions, enter spheres which prevent them from
easily
getting at the truth, and regardless of circumstances and time, obtain
unreliable facts, which they rapidly convey to their governments, even
drawing
tendencious conclusions.
A reliable source has
informed
us that facts have been brought to
Allow us, Mr. Agent, to
declare to you that the same is being done in the government of the
Organization. The abusers, exploiters, and the violators of the
regulations,
and in general all who commit offenses to the cause of liberation,
are being
tried and punished as far as it is possible, according to the time and
the
circumstances. Some of the punishments appear very severe to
outsiders judging
about things as one judges in a free country, where the government,
acts
directly and openly, and has at its disposal the means of punishing a
criminal
according to his crime, or of rendering harmless a man who threatens
law and
order in the state. Can the Organization do the same when it has been
placed in
exceptional conditions and has been outlawed, because it is
revolutionary?
Certainly not. Therefore, would it not be natural for many of its
actions to
appear monstrous to people who are not familiar with the conditions in
which
you work?
Who complains most of
the
Organization? It is charlatans who do not wish to help the cause of
liberation
in any way, and part of the clergy, who, driven by extreme ambition,
wish to
interfere in every possible manner in the revolutionary activities, but
do not
wish to bear the responsibility for the consequences. Should,
therefore, the
groundless accusations of this kind of patriots be trusted? And it is
precisely
they who mislead you, and you, without checking the circumstances and
motives,
on which facts are based, hasten to communicate them to the government
making
peculiar commentaries, or simply doing nothing, so that your reports
will be
all the more sensational.
Let us clarify yet
another
vitally important issue. It has been reported to the Bulgarian
government that
the Organization has allegedly systematically persecuted the Bulgarian
Exarchate, the employees of the Bulgarian trade agencies, and in
general, has
allegedly nursed mistrust and hatred of everything Bulgarian. We
declare that
all this is base slander which has shocked us to the bottom of our
souls. If
one persecutes a monk, even if he does wear a bishop's robe, for his
wild and
unrestrained conduct, does it mean that you are persecuting the
Exarchate? If
one voices distrust of an Agency employee, does it mean that one does
not
believe in
Mr. Agent,
Confine yourself to the
sphere
of your activities, check all the facts which are brought to you about
the work
of the Organization, compare them with the causes which provoke them,
and with the
circumstances which surround them, and you will see that the
Organization is
not an evil but an urgent necessity for the poor Bulgarian population
in the
villages of Macedonia and the
Odrin
region. The villages left without armed detachments feel like orphans
because
only the detachments can protect them from the attacks of Greek,
Turkish and
Serbian bands. The towns, too, feel better when there is an
Organization with
an armed force of its own. We admit, however, that not everything is
done in
the ideal manner that we would all wish, but this is not the fault of
the
Organization. The unfavourable and extremely uncomfortable
conditions are to
blame. Perhaps you are alarmed by the errors which are made in its
activities -
all men make errors. As a diplomat, have you never made a mistake in
your
diplomatic career? Do consider also the crisis through which the
Organization
went after the uprising of 1903, which shook it to the foundations,
consider
the human lives it lost from among the intelligentsia and from among
its other
members, and you will understand the causes for some of the errors and
oversights in its work. After the general congress at the end of 1905,
however,
a new impetus was given to the cause of liberation. It was placed on
new and
sound foundations which guarantee that in a short time the
mistakes and
violations will be reduced to a minimum. It is necessary with common
efforts to
raise the level of the consciousness and education of all people
regarding the
difficult tasks which it has to solve, and to explain the great goal it
pursues. The false information which is brought to you, intentionally
or
unintentionally, by some evil-doers, will be considered as intended to
harm the
cause of liberation. Such evil-doers will be persecuted according to
the
regulations and decrees of the Organization.
Accept our assurances of
our
deepest respect.
Central Committee of the
Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization
Your
Beatitude,
We
have positive knowledge that some of the high-ranking spiritual leaders
under
the Holy Exarchate have informed the Bulgarian commercial agents in
Macedonia
and the Odrin district that the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople
Revolutionary
Organization is allegedly persecuting the Exarchate and its activities,
that it
is allegedly interfering in its rights and prerogatives, and, in
general, is
opposed to the Bulgarian national spirit in the vilayets of European
Turkey. We
firmly declare that this is a tendentious calumny aimed at thwarting
the
revolutionary cause.
There
is no denying that individual members of the Organization have taken
liberties;
however, this is an exception rather .than a rule, and the Organization
itself
persecutes such conduct.
However,
there is no denying either that many leaders under the Holy Exarchate
oppose
the cause of liberation without any reasons, and out of sheer
short-sightedness, whereas many of them, urged by ambition and
arrogance, are
willing to take part directly in those risky affairs, without taking
the responsibility
for their actions. Naturally, such people should be censured for their
errors
and crimes. Unfortunately, when this is done to a member of the church
and
school organization, for actions beyond his rights and competence, then
he
shouts in a loud voice: 'They are persecuting the Exarchate, they are
persecuting the national cause!' It is not this that matters. Your
Beatitude,
for, to hold an isolated representative of the church and school cause
responsible for his personal acts, is not to persecute the Holy
Exarchate or
the national cause.
Such
people and many others of the same ilk, being dissatisfied with
certain
actions or decisions of the organizational workers, seize upon some
isolated
case in the life of the revolutionary organization, send in biased
information
about it to the Bulgarian commercial agents, and give it publicity in
an
incomplete and distorted form with the aim of discrediting the cause of
liberation.
From
their point of view this may be right, but from an organizational point
of view
this is culpable. Therefore, we declare to you that they should either
adhere
to their own sphere of activity, following all instructions of the
statutes and
regulations of the Exarchate, or the organization shall treat them as
it does
anyone who hampers the revolutionary cause, or tries to slander it and
discredit it purposefully.
The
Exarchate has the least right to complain of the activities of the
revolutionary organization, since the latter has many good deeds to its
credit
which fully coincide with the tasks of the former and is always ready
to help
it enhance the culture, education and national consciousness of our
people.
Central
Committee of the Internal Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary
Organization.
We
had arranged Sarafov's Committee - it was our creation. Under these
circumstances, we decided to control the Committee through our
supporters on
ft, while we kept aloof, and it would still be the Supreme Committee
(S.C.). We
wanted to reorganize the local societies so that they accept the
revolutionary
cause. We agreed with the new members of the Committee beforehand that
we would
take no responsibility for the actions of the S.C. but everything would
be done
with our knowledge and approval. We, for our part, promised to support
the
Committee and to strengthen it with more energetic and devoted people
from the
interior, who would re-activate the Committee, especially in the
provinces. It
happened just as we wanted. Thus the prestige of the current leaders of
Macedonian
affairs was undermined.
It
was my idea to find among those taking part in Macedonian affairs a
person of
authority and influence, who was, at the same time, closer to our
ideas, and to
get him elected as chairman of the Committee. We did not yet dare put
the S.C.
entirely in the hands of the army officers. Tsonchev had not yet
decided to
resign his commission and become chairman of the Committee: we would
have
accepted him at that time. In order to find a suitable person and to
prepare
the ground for the new Committee, I undertook an extensive tour of
Southern and
I
could not find a single person who shared my views and who would agree
to
devote himself wholly to the cause of the revolution. All approved of
what I
said but did not want to be involved. Their attitude was that the
Organization
was very weak here and that they did not believe that this Organization
could
be revived to the extent necessary for what I was envisaging. In
general, they
considered the revolutionary cause to be a sheer Utopia. Dame and Rizov
did not
believe the activity of the committee could be increased, or that the
public
would be sufficiently interested in our cause to make us a loan of
50,000 levs.
Rizov used to say that he would be the first to applaud us in public if
we
managed to collect 50,000 levs. General disbelief. I called on all
eminent
Macedonians in the provinces who were directly or indirectly
involved in the
Macedonian cause, and it was a complete fiasco. Everyone who had any
self-respect was unwilling to get involved and make himself ridiculous.
In
Shoumen and
We
had to content ourselves with the officers of 1895.1 thought it would
be better
if we brought only a few of them onto the committee, in order to use
them more
directly in the work. The officers were pressing for us to unite and
for me to
take the post of chairman. I would not agree to this. We preferred
Boris to
Bozoukov because he was more constant. Many comrades went into the
provinces to
ensure support for our programme and our list for the forthcoming
Congress. Our
list was very carefully prepared. At the Congress itself we did some
canvassing, and our list was accepted without opposition thanks to the
imprudence of the other members of the Committee, of which you too were
one. Srafov
became the leader. The eyes of all were fixed on us; they were not much
interested in who was on the Committee, but they were comforted by
the fact
that henceforward the S.C. would work in agreement with the Central
Committee.
At
the beginning, our collaboration was complete. We
began the work on a purely friendly basis, on the understanding
that they would figure in
We
began serious work, completely confident that we would be able to
activate
First,
we divided
Soon
we had created in
We
could not have managed without
There
was short-sightedness on both sides. We wanted to benefit by receiving
materials and people from
Today,
September 13, 1908 the citizens of Shtip, numbering some 3,000,
gathered in the
schoolyard for a meeting in protest against the illegal practices and
the
violence perpetrated during the parliamentary elections in the town and
the
district, and after hearing the speakers, we considered:
1.
That articles 5, 6 and 30 of the Electoral Law have been violated due
to
insufficient explanatory work;
2.
That the sections in the district have been disproportionally
distributed, for
instance, the Pishitsa section includes 21 Bulgarian villages against
just one
Turkish, whereas Kyoseler includes only 5 Bulgarian villages against 11
Turkish; in the Starvoulevo section there are 3 Bulgarian villages
against 18
Turkish.
3.
That only Turkish villages have been chosen for centres of all
sections, and,
moreover, these are the remotest villages possible, notorious for past
atrocities, like Pishitsa, for instance;
4.
That many Bulgarian citizens have been disenfranchised;
5.
That Turks disenfranchised by law have been granted the
right to vote;
6.
That the government has abused its power during the
elections.
We
decided:
1.
To protest against the violation of the electoral law and against all
illegal
practices and violence perpetrated during the elections;
2.
We consider the
elections held so far illegal
and void and we have discontinued the polls;
3.
We insist that the Young Turk association 'Unity and Progress,' on
whose
assurance we discontinued our revolutionary activities, should
institute an
inquiry to punish those responsible for the illegally held elections
and to
hold them again in accordance with the electoral law, after preliminary
local
elections.
A
commission was elected for this purpose, including: Messrs Arso
Lazarov, Sando
Penoshliski, Pane Kolchev, Panche Nakushov, Hristo Ikonomov and Andon
H.
Kotsov, which was entrusted with the task:
1.
Of informing by telegraph the Soloun association about the meeting.
2.
Of asking the local association for support in our lawful struggle.
3.
Of giving a copy of the present resolution to the local association and
of forwarding it to the Soloun
association, as well as to some newspapers.
4.
Of signing all telegrams, protests and the like, which might be
addressed to
it on behalf of the people.
On
behalf of circa 3,000 citizens the resolution was signed by
The
buro of the meeting (Arso Lazarov, Panche Nakushov, Hristo Ikonomov)