31
In the
so-called Legend of Thessalonica,
which is about
a man called Cyril of Cappadocia, here confused with Cyril (Constantine),
it is said that the Bulgarian language was also spoken hi the
market
place of Thessalonica
12th c.
I
was born in Cappadocia and studied in Damascus. One day, as I was in
the church
of the Great Patriarchate of Alexandria, I heard from the altar a voice
which
told me: Cyril, go to the land among the Slav peoples called
Bulgarians,
because, it said, God has ordained you to convert them to the faith and
to give
them the law.
I
became very sad because I did not know where the Bulgarian land was and
I
wanted to return home. I feared, however, lest I should become like the
prophet
Ionas, and I went to Crete as well and there I was told: Go down to the
town of
Thessalonica.
I
went and appeared before Metropolitan Ionas and when I told him what
had
happened, he laughed at me much, and said: 'Oh, you silly old man, the
Bulgarians are man-eaters and they will eat you.' I went out into the
market
place and heard Bulgarians talking; my heart was terrified and I felt
as though
I were in hell and in darkness ...
The
Bulgarians heard about me. The great Prince Desimir of Moravia,
Radivoy, the
Prince of Preslav, and all Bulgarian princes gathered round
Thessalonica and
fought for three years against Thessalonica, shedding a great deal of
blood,
saying: 'Give us the man whom God has sent to us.' It was in this way
that I
was handed over to them.
The
Bulgarians received me with great joy and took me to the town of Raven on the
Bregalnitsa
river. I wrote 32 letters for them. I taught them a little, and
they
themselves learned a lot ...
I.
Duichev, From the Old Bulgarian Literature I, pp.
142-143; the original is in Old Bulgarian
32
The List
of the Archbishop of Ohrid Ioannes
Comnenus1 (Ducange's List) of the Archbishops of Bulgaria
12th c.
Archbishops of Bulgaria
1.
Protogenus,2 Archbishop of Serdica, through whom the holy
fathers opposed
the philosopher who abused the Holy Ghost, as can be seen from the
minutes of
the First Council.
2. Methodius,3 true brother of Saint
Cyril the Philosopher, consecrated Archbishop of Moravia in Pannonia
by Pope Nicholas, who succeeded Hadrian in Rome.
3. Gorazd,4 consecrated by Methodius,
and later driven away by the Dukhobors.5
4. Clement, who became Bishop of Tiberiopolis or
Velika, and was later charged by the Bulgarian Tsar Boris with the
supervision
of the third part of the Bulgarian
Kingdom as well,
i.e.
from Thessalonica to Yericho and Kanina or Tasipiat.
5. Damyan in Dorostol, now Dristra. Under him
Bulgaria, too, was recognized as autocephalous.
On the orders of the Emperor Romanus Lecapenus6 he
was
proclaimed Patriarch by the Imperial Council, and was later removed by
loannes
Tzimisces.7
6. Germanus, called Gavril, in Voden
and Prespa.
7. Philip in Lichnida, called Sasaripa in
antiquity, and now Achrida.8
8. Ioannes9 also in Achrida. He was
from Debur, from the village of Agnoandniki, abbot of the monastery of
the Holy
Virgin there.
9. Leo,10 first among the Byzantines,
chartophylax of the Great
Church. He built
the
lower church (in Ohrid) in the name of God's sacred wisdom ..... (i.e.
St.
Sofia).
Yordan Ivanov, Bulgarian
Antiquities in Macedonia, pp.565-566; cf. ГИБИ, VII, pp. 109
110; the
original is in Greek
1 loannes Comnenus
was the son of Prince Isaac Comnenus
2 Protogenus was
Bishop of Serdica (Sofia) in the 4th c.
3 Methodius became
Archbishop of Pannonia, consecrated by Pope
Hadrian II in 870.
4 One of the
disciples of Cyril and Methodius
5
The 'Spiritual fighters,' followers of the German bishop Viching
6 Emperor of
Byzantium (919-944)
7 Emperor of
Byzantium (969-976)
8 Present-day Ohrid
9Archbishop
of Ohrid immediately after Bulgaria's conquest by Byzantium in 1018
11 Leo of Ohrid, of
Greek origin, was the first archbishop directly
appointed by the Emperor of Byzantium in 1036-1037
33
In the
Life of Nicon Metanoeite1
it is said that Samufl's Bulgarians attacked Hellas
12th c.
Not
long afterwards, Basil, nicknamed Apocaucus, recently appointed to the
post of
praetor in Corinth, defended the isthmus there against the Bulgarian
invasion.
He was severely tormented ... not only by the disease, terrible and
difficult
to cure, which afflicted him, but much more by the fear of an attack on
the
part of the Bulgarian people.2 Because the rumour had it
that the
Bulgarian people were advancing all over the country and were marching
on
Hellas and Peloponnese3 ... Therefore Apocaucus sent people
to
Lacedaemon and supplicated the saint to come4 ...
And
the godly man, in his effusive love, accepted Apooaucus'
supplication, and as
he had no urgent work, which he could not interrupt or postpone for a
certain
time, ignoring everything else, he arrived at Corinth at a flying
speed,
disregarding the fatigue and the exhausting walk. Upon his arrival in
Corinth
the sick man not only felt better due to the prayer of the righteous
man and
the grace with which the great man was endowed by God and which had
already
been brought home to the ignorant, but Apocaucus was relieved of his
anxiety
caused by the Bulgarians, as the blessed man foretold him their
defeat...
He
was accused5 before the then scepter-holder of the Byzantine
state.
He was Basil,6 the son of the young Roman and the happiest
of all
emperors, whose life was brilliant and the time of rule rather long and
strewn
with numerous victories against the enemies. He (Basil Bulgaroctonus)
also
defeated that Samuil, who governed the Bulgarian tribe, the invincible
in
strength and unsurpassed in bravery, and at the same time the whole
tribe of
the Bulgarian countless multitude was annihilated and subdued as
history
relates at greater length.
1Nicon
Metanoeite lived during the 10th c. His life story was written by an
unknown
author in the 12th c.
2A
reference to attacks by the Bulgarians, led by Samuil, in Thessaly and
the
Peloponnese at the end of the 10th century
3 A reference to the
events of 996, and in particular, to the battle
by the river Sperkhos
4 A reference to St.
Nicon Metanoeite.
5
A reference to John Malachi, the Messenger. He was slanderously accused
of his
good will to the Bulgarians and sent into exile to Constantinople. Cf. V.N.
Zlatarski, History, I, 2, p. 714
6 The Byzantine
Emperor Basil II
(976-1025)
The
Byzantine historian loannes Zonaras1
describes how the Bulgarians revolted in 976 and entrusted the power to
the
Kometopouli
12th c.
And
again there was discontent in Bulgaria. As soon as the death of
Tzimisces
became known, the Bulgarians entrusted power to the four brothers
David, Moses,
Aaron and Samuil, namedKometopouli,because they were the sons of one of
their
prominent comites. Because their royal family had come to an end, since
there
remained only one of Peter's sons, namely Roman, who was aneunuch.Of
these four
sons Kometopouli, David was the first to end his life. Moses was struck
by a
stone at the siege of Seres and died immediately. Aaron was slain with
all his
family by his brother Samuil, either because he himself wanted to usurp
power
or because he sympathized with the Byzantines (both are said). Of his
sons only
one survived, with two names - Svetoslav and Ivan. Power in Bulgaria
passed to
Samuil alone. While the Byzantine troops were engaged in internecine
wars, he
traversed without fear all the western regions of the Byzantine state
and not
only sacked, but also appropriated the regions, together with the
towns...
Th.
Buttner-Wobst, Ioannis Zonarae Epitome
historiarum libri XIII-XVIII, ed. Bonn., 1897, pp. 547-548; cf. ГИБИ,
VII, p.
185; the original is in Greek
1 Ioannes Zonaras
lived during the first half of the 12th c. There
is a Slavonic translation of his chronicle
Fig. 6.
Excerpt from the chronicle of the Byzantine historian
Ioannes Zonaras. See Document 34, Part One
35
Ioannes
Zonaras writes hi
detail about the wars between Tsar Samuil and the Byzantines
12th c.
On
his arrival he himself /Basil II/ began
to make preparations for the siege of Serdica, i.e. Triaditsa ...
Samuil took
up his position on the peaks of the mountains because he dared not
fight at
close range, and, having seen the unexpected retreat, decided that
they were
acting out of fear, and advanced on the Byzantines. After frightening
them all,
he put them to flight. He seized the camp, the Emperor's tent and the
insignia
of imperial power.
The leader
of
the Bulgarians
/Samuil/ plundered not only the lands of Thrace and Macedonia, but also
Hellas
and the Peloponnese itself. And the Emperor /Basil II/ sent the chief
of the
West, magister Nicephorus Uranus, and, as Samuil had established his
camp by
the Sperkhas river, he settled on the opposite bank. Since there were
heavy
rains and the river could not be crossed by swimming, Samuil was not
expecting
an attack by the Byzantines. At night, however, Uranus sought a ford
and,
having found one, he crossed the river noiselessly together with his
troops,
and attacked Samuil's unsuspecting army. The barbarians, stunned by the
unexpected blow, were killed before they could even resist. Blows were
also
inflicted on Samuil and his son Roman and they would have been taken
prisoner,
had they not hidden among the slain and thus were able to flee secretly.
After
that the Emperor launched a campaign against the Bulgarians, and, after
destroying some fortifications in Serdica, returned to Mosynopolis. He
sent
military commanders who also took Great and Little Preslav and Pliska.
Berrhoea
was surrendered to him by Dobromir, who joined the Byzantines. Ser-via
was also
taken by siege, and the man to whom its defence was entrusted - Nikola,
called
Nikolitsa because of his small stature, was captured. Although he was
honoured
with the rank of patrician, he again escaped and went to Samuil. After
this,
the Emperor once more set out on a campaign against Vidin and took the
town.
While he was besieging it, however, Samuil suddenly attacked
Adrianople, and,
as there was a fair outside the town, he carried off the objects
displayed for
sale, and, having taken numerous prisoners, he returned. The Emperor
subdued
Vidin to his rule and, on his way back, caught up with Samuil, who was
camping
along the Axios river. The ancient people called this river Vardar. As
the
waters of the river were high, the barbarians were camping in a
carefree
manner. They did not believe that the Byzantine army could cross the
river. A
ford was, however, discovered, and through it both the Emperor and the
army
passed. Many of the Bulgarians were slain, and Samuil fled, while his
tent and
the entire camp were looted. The Emperor also took the town of Skopje,
which
was surrendered to him by Roman, the son of the Bulgarian ruler Peter.
Samuii
had entrusted him with the defense of his town.
Th.
Buttner-Wobst, op. cit., pp. 548-549; 558 560; cf. ГИБИ,
VII, pp. 186, 187-198; the
original is in Greek
36
Ioannes
Zonaras recounts how Basil II
blinded the captive Bulgarian soldiers of Samuil and conquered the
whole of Bulgaria
12th c.
The
Emperor frequently attacked Bulgaria, caused damage and devastated it.
Samuil,
unable to oppose the Byzantine army, tried to block his roads with
ditches,
while barring the gorges with fortifications and by putting guards in
them. And
so the Emperor came again and tried to enter by force, but was repulsed
by the guards,
who put up valiant resistance. He did not give up his attempt, however,
and
remained there in order to take the fortification, and sent one of the
commanders with his detachment in another direction, to see if he could
make a
detour and find some way to get through. And he, passing across many
mountains
and steep slopes, attacked the guard of the fortification in the rear
unnoticed
by the Bulgarians, who, taken by surprise, no longer bothered to defend
the
fortification, but thought only of how to save themselves from
destruction.
Then the Byzantine army broke the palisade without fear, passed through
it and
started a pursuit. Many were slain and many more were captured, and
Samuil had
a narrow escape. The Emperor gouged out the eyes of all the prisoners,
who
numbered about 15,000 men, save for one in every hundred to lead them,
and
ordered them to go to their leader. On seeing them, unable to stand the
agony,
he lost consciousness and fell senseless to the ground. After
recovering
somewhat he had a heart attack and died. Supreme power over the
Bulgarians now
passed to his son Gavril Roman, who had not even ruled one year when he
was
murdered by his uncle Aaron's son, Ivan Vladislav, who also had two
names. And
so the Emperor, having, as I said, crossed the fortification in the
gorge,
captured many other fortified places, together with the Bulgarians in
them, and
went to Mosynopolis, where he was informed of Samuil's death. He then
immediately moved on, attacked Bulgaria and captured towns and
fortresses.
Samuil's son Gavril Roman, who had not yet been killed, sent envoys to
the
Emperor and promised to obey him. But, after a certain time, a servant
of Ivan
Vladislav's, the murderer of Gavril, arrived, announcing the murder of
Samuil's
son and carrying a letter promising submission to the Emperor. He was
joined by
many other prominent Bulgarians. Realizing that Vladislav had no
intention of
fulfilling his promise, the Emperor again set out against Bulgaria,
ravaged
much of her land, took by siege the town of Ohrid where the palaces of
the
Bulgarian Tsars stood; he also sent his military commanders to seize
other
fortresses by siege and returned to Constantinople.
And again
the
Emperor set out on a campaign against the Bulgarians; again he
destroyed
fortresses and slew many of the barbarians, whilst others he captured
alive.
The Tsar of the Bulgarians, Ivan Vladislav, marched against Dyrrachium,
and
died during the siege of that town, after having ruled for two years
and five
months. As soon as he heard this, the Emperor moved on and, when he
reached
Adrianople, some members of the Bulgarian nobility came to him and
surrendered
Pernik and thirty-five other fortresses to him, and many of these
barbarians
went over to his side. Ivan Vladislav's wife, Maria, sent the Bulgarian
Archbishop David to the Emperor with a letter in which she promised to
renounce
Bulgaria if she received what she wanted. The woman soon came to the
Emperor,
bringing her three sons and six daughters. Her three other sons had
fled to the
mountains, but, after the mountains had been occupied by soldiers,
they too
were compelled to go to the Emperor. They were Prusian and his
brothers;
Prusian was created magister and the others — patricians. After he had
conquered the whole of Bulgaria, and had destroyed some of the
fortresses,
while reinforcing others, and leaving them with sufficient protection,
he
arrived in Athens in order to hold a service of thanksgiving to the
Mother of
God. After leaving many extremely valuable gifts in the temple, he
returned to
the capital and held a triumph, at which he wore a tiara ... So he
arrived in
God's church of Sophia and there offered thanks to God. The Patriarch
succeeded
in persuading him to abolish the allelengyon and he promised
to do so if
he defeated the Bulgarians ...
Th.
Buttner Wobst, op. cit., pp. 563-567; cf. THEM, VII,
pp. 188-190; the original is
in Greek
37
loannes
Zonaras describes the uprising of
the Bulgarians under the leadership of Peter Delyan
12th c.
After
the Bulgarians, as I have already said, were conquered by Emperor Basil
and
after their state was subjugated, for a while the barbarians endured
the yoke
of slavery. After that, they decided to throw it off and rose up, but
the
absence of a leader made them abandon the idea. A man of unknown
family, named
Delyan, full of cunning and inventiveness, who called himself the son
of Aaron,
the brother of Samuil, the former leader of this people, and who, so
they say,
had fled from Constantinople, was elected Tsar of the barbarians, after
having
persuaded the people that he was Aaron's son by his illegitimate wife,
and not
by his legitimate spouse. Then the people rose in open revolt, began to
loot
and devastate the Byzantine lands. A strategus with troops was,
however, sent
to put an end to their attacks and plundering. As he treated his
subordinates
badly, he incited them against himself and would have perished, had he
not fled
by night. So the soldiers subordinated to him took fright, revolted and
elected
as their leader one of their comrades named Tihomir, of Bulgarian
descent, and
proclaimed him Tsar of Bulgaria. And thus the Bulgarians were split,
some
joining Delyan and others - Tihomir. Delyan, however, set a trap for
his rival.
He called him to share power and to fight against the Byzantines.
Tihomir
believed this. And thus, when the two leaders met and the army of the
Bulgarians gathered, Delyan told the assembly that the Bulgarian people
would
never save themselves as long as they had two leaders, adding: 'If you
value
your salvation, one of us has to go. Since you know that I am of
Samuil's family,
discard Tihomir; otherwise obey him and discard me. Then there was
tumult and
all greeted him as Tsar, and Tihomir was stoned to death. Delyan having
become
absolute ruler, captured Dyrrachium and marched on Hellas and also
annexed the
region of Nikopolis, whose population came over to him of their own
free will,
because they could not endure the greed and insatiability of the
orphanotroph.
And so, under Delyan, as the saying goes, the Byzantine lands became
the spoil
of the Moesians. When the news reached the Emperor he immediately set
out to
capture the rebel. He said that he considered it ignominious to
allow a part
of the state to be detached after he himself had added nothing to it.
As he was
not in good health - he was already suffering from dropsy and his body
was
swollen - his relatives advised him to abandon the campaign and the
notables of
the Senate did not approve of his decision either. But he, drawing
strength
from his zeal and fighting the disease with his spirit, set out against
the
Scythians. And then a miracle happened. At night he was tormented by
the
disease, and it was thought that he would not rise in the morning.
But at dawn
he appeared on horseback and led the army. As soon as he reached the
mountains
of' the Scythians he made ready for battle. Before the two armies met,
something happened that gave the Emperor a swift and easy victory.
Aaron's son,
the Patrician Alusianus, who was still with the Byzantines and had
somehow
offended the Emperor, had been ordered to stay at home and had been
forbidden
to enter the palace, or to go to Constantinople without special
permission.
When he heard of the unrest among the people and of Delyan's election
as
leader, he fled from his home, changed his clothes and, putting on an
Armenian
national costume, pretended to be Theodorakan's servant going to
the camp.
Thus unnoticed by anybody, he arrived in Bulgaria. He did not at once
reveal
his identity, but in conversation with some people, he mentioned Aaron
and
said: 'If one of his children were present here, would you have the
legitimate
son as your leader rather than the illegitimate one?' Since everybody
expressed
the wish to be ruled by Aaron's legitimate son and also said that the
royal
power should be entrusted to a man with indisputable rights, who was
undoubtedly descended from an old royal family, Alusianus revealed his
secret
to a person acquainted with Aaron's family. And that man looked more
carefully
at his face, then asked him whether he had some indisputable mark, and
asked to
see it. It was a black mole on his right elbow, covered with thick
hair. Having
seen this, he had no doubt whatsoever, and knelt down before this man
and
embraced his legs. The others were informed that a descendant of
the royal
family had arrived. And many were those, who renounced the dubious son
of the
Tsar and joined the legitimate one, and thus power was split. Since the
state
could not exist if there was discord among its leaders, they
united and
were reconciled, but they were suspicious of each other and on the
alert.
Alusianus was, however, more skilled in his evil intentions and
anticipated
Delyan's strategem. He gave a banquet and, having invited his co-ruler,
attacked
him during the feast and plucked out the poor wretch's eyes. After
this, the
Scythians obeyed a single ruler. Later he secretly informed the Emperor
that he
would go over to his side if he were to be favourably received and if
he were
not deprived of the appropriate reward. The Emperor accepted his terms
and
informed him that he would reward him in a worthy manner. He
immediately
arrived and was honoured as a magister. Then the Emperor
immediately set out
against the people and, since they had no leader and were
disunited, they were easily
defeated and again
submitted to Byzantine domination. The Emperor returned to
Constantinople and
arranged a triumphal procession in which he led numerous prisoners, and
Delyan
himself with his eyes gouged out.
Th.
Buttner-Wobst, op. cit, pp. 598-603; cf. ГИБИ, VII, pp.
172-174; the original is in Greek
38
Demetrius
Chomatianus,
Archbishop of Ohrid, in a letter to the Serbian King Stefan
Radoslav testifies that the
population in his bishopric speak Bulgarian
12th-13th c.
We
... having received your questions, shall answer each of them in
accordance
with the teaching of our holy fathers and
with the written and unwritten customs of the Church; but not into our
artistic
language, but in ordinary simple, prosaic speech, so that, in this
fashion,
what is written may be well understood, because without sufficient
knowledge,
particularly of the Bulgarian language, it stands to reason that one
cannot
interpret or speak.
Yordan
Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia, p. 148; the
original is in Greek
39
Demetrius
Chomatianus in the
Brief Life of Clement of Ohrid, compiled by him,
testifies that Clement is Bulgarian
and that the population in Macedonia is Bulgarian
12th-13th c.
This
great father of ours and light of Bulgaria /Clement/ originated from
the European
Moesians whom the people usually know also as Bulgarians ... First,
together
with the divine Nahum, Angelarius and Gorazd, he diligently studied the
Holy
Scriptures, translated, with divine assistance, into the local
Bulgarian tongue
by Cyril, a true father of godlike wisdom and equal to the Apostles,
and from
the very beginning he was with Methodius, the well-known teacher of the
Moesian
people in piety and the Orthodox faith.
When
the divine Cyril passed to the better life, having already appraised
Hadrian,
at that time Pope of ancient Rome, of his apostolic mission and the
perfecting
of the talent vouched safe to him, and after Methodius had been
appointed
Archbishop of Moravia and Bulgaria by the self-same Pope, then
Clement was
also elevated to a bishop's throne, since Methodius appointed him as
Bishop of the whole of Illyricum and
of the Bulgarian people who possessed the country.
He
/Clement/ most frequently resided in the Illyrian town of Lichnida,
centre of
the surrounding towns and which nowadays is called Ohrid in the
language of the
Moesians, and in Cephalinia, which, in Bulgarian, is Glavinitsa, where
he also left monuments.
A.
Milev, The Greek Lives of Clement of Ohrid, Sofia, 1966,
pp. 175-176; the original is in Greek
Fig. 7.
Excerpt from the Short Life of Clement of Ohrid by
the
Byzantine chronicler Demetrius Chomatianus. See Document 39, Part One
40
Tsar Kaloyan in a letter to
Pope Innocent III states that
the Bulgarian Tsars Peter, Samuil and others have received
crowns from Rome
1202
In
the first place we, as a beloved
son, want from our mother, the Roman Church, a Tsar's crown and
dignity, as our
Emperors of old had them. As we find it recorded in our books, one was
Peter,
the second Samuil and others who preceded them on the throne.
ЛИБИ,
III, p. 310,
letter No. 2;
р CCXIV, col. 1112 -1113, letter No. 115;
I . Duichev, Correspondence
of Pope Innocent III with the Bulgarians, ГСУ,
ифф PP-22-23;
letter No. 2;
the original is in Latin
41
Pope Innocent III replies to Tsar
Kaloyan's letter
1202
You,
however, humbly asked the
Roman Church to give you a crown, as it is said in your books that it
was
granted to Peter, Samuil and your other predecessors of illustrious
memory ... We, therefore, gave instructions that our registers be
carefully read
the better to assure ourselves and we learned clearly that many tsars
were
crowned in the land subordinated to you.
ЛИБИ, Ш. p. 312, letter No. 3;
Pgr CCXIV, col. 1113-1115, letter No. 116;
I. Duichev, op. cit, PP- 22-25,
letter No. 3;
the original is in Latin
42
In a letter to Pope Innocent in
Tsar Kaloyan calls the Bulgarian Tsars Simeon, Peter and Samuil his
ancestors
1203
After that,
last June, our Majesty
sent our Archbishop and /head/ of the entire Bulgarian land and of the
universal holy and great Church of Turnovo and a great man of my
Kingdom, now
raised to a Primate and Archbishop of all
Bulgaria and Wallachia, named Vassilii, who, on his arrival in Drac was
not
allowed to proceed to Your Holiness, so that Your Holiness might
fulfill the
wish of our Majesty in accordance with the custom of my predecessors,
the Tsars
of the Bulgarians and the Wallachians - Simeon, Peter and
Samuil, the ancestors of myself and of all other Tsars of the
Bulgarians.
ЛИБИ, III p. 338, letter No. 19;
Pgr CCXXV, col. 290-291, letter No. 6;
I. Duichev, op. cit, pp 47-48; the original is in Latin
43
The Bulgarian Bishops of Kyustendil,
Skopje, Prizren and Nis ask Pope Innocent III to send them a pallium
1203
Bending
our necks beneath the right
hand of your power as before the most holy Father and Pope, we bow with
bent
heads and on our knees. In the first place Anastasius, sinner and
humble
Metropolitan of the holiest church of Velbuzhd1; after him,
Sava,
sinner and humble Metropolitan of the great church of Preslav; and
Marin, the
Bishop, though unworthy, of the holiest church of the Virgin in Skopje;
Avram,
the humble Bishop of the holiest bishopric of Prizren; Kirik, sinner
and humble
Bishop of the holiest church of the blessed and glorious martyr
Procopius in
Nis, and Clement, the unworthy sinner and Bishop of the holiest church
of the
Virgin in Vidin - we beg you most humbly as our sole
shepherd and oecumenical father and lord to have the beneficence to
send us a
pallium for the benefit of the priestly order, so that, all days of our
lives,
we shall not cease to pray for your glory.
ЛИБИ, III p. 337, letter No. 18;
Pgr CCXXV, col. 289-290, letter No. 5;
I. Duichev, op. cit, p. 46, letter No. 17;
the original is in
Latin.
1 Present-day
Kyustendil
44
In a letter to the Hungarian King
Emeric, Pope Innocent III reaffirms that the Bulgarian Tsars
Peter, Samuil and others have received crowns from Rome
1204
Although
you write to us that, even
if he has occupied and is at present holding part of your kingdom and
another
part of somebody else's kingdom, the above-mentioned loannicius
/Kaloyan/ is
not the legitimate ruler of any land, and therefore you are astonished
that,
without consulting you, we have so suddenly proposed to crown your open
enemy
as Tsar, let us declare without arguing, to a certain extent this is
not the
case, as you well know. The truth is that in olden times many Tsars of
Bulgaria
were successively crowned through the apostolic power, such as Peter
and Samuil
and some others after them. The truth is that as a result of the
preaching of
Pope Nicholas, our predecessor of sacred memory, the Tsar of the
Bulgarians, to
whose enquiries he often replied, deserved to be converted together
with his
whole kingdom. And finally, because the Greeks proved to be stronger,
the
Bulgarians lost their royal dignity and were even compelled to become
slaves
under the heavy yoke of Constantinople until recently, when the two
brothers,
i.e. Peter and loannicius, who were descended from the family of the
former
Tsars, began not so much to occupy as to regain the land of their
fathers, so
that one day they won a great victory over mighty rulers and countless
people.
We do not, therefore, deny that they may have forcibly invaded a
certain part
of the country, but we firmly maintain that they have recovered the
greater
part of the country by right of inheritance.
ЛИБИ, III, p. 353,
letter No, 29;
Pgr CCXXV, col. 413-417, letter No. 127;
I. Duichev, op. cit., p.
59, letter No.
28; the
original is in Latin
45
The Byzantine writer Theodore Scutariot calls Ohrid the
Archbishopric of Bulgaria
13th c.
And so the
Emperor1 sent his brother,
Prince Ioannis, against the
secessionist.2 He gave him his army and commanders and
ordered him
to go forth until he
encountered the army of the secessionist. He acted according to his
orders. And
the secessionist, together with his wife and household, had camped
around
Castoria.3 Suddenly he heard a cry that the Byzantine forces
had
crossed the Voden gorge and were advancing towards them. Therefore,
seized by
no small fear, they fled. But it was night and no one could see where
he was
going, and many died in the ravines. Thus Theodore Petralipha, brother
of the
secessionist's wife, who had mounted a wilder horse, fell in a gulch
together
with his horse and perished. And so they fled back to their lands, or
to the Pyrenean
Mountains, which
divide Old and New
Epirus from the Greek land and ours. And the Prince took advantage of
the
situation and, since he found that the land was undefended, he began to
attack
the fortresses of the country. And first he went to Ohrid, the
Archbishopric of
Bulgaria, taking with him the Archbishop Kavasilia, whom Emperor
Theodore had
kept in the East, because he was suspected of being unloyal to the
Emperor, for
his brothers Ioannis and Theodore had been with the secessionist
Michael.
Bibliotheca
Graeca medii aevi, ed. Constant. Sathas. vol. VII,
Parisiis, 1894,
pp. 5427-54610
- Cf. ГИБИ, VШ, pp. 299-300.
1 The Nicaean
Emperor Ioannis
Vatatzes (R. 1222-1254).
2 The Epirean despot
Michael II Angel
(1237-1271).
3 Present-day
Kostour, a town in Southwestern Macedonia.
46
The Byzantine historian Georgius
Acropolita1 writes in his
history that the greater part of the Empire's western regions are populated by Bulgarians
13th c.
The
reason for his2
hastening his departure from Nicaea
was as follows. When the Bulgarian ruler Mihail,3 who was
the
brother of Emperor Theodore's wife and the son of his father-in-law,
Ivan
Assen, by Theodore Angel's daughter, learned of the death of Emperor
Ioannis,
because he knew that the western lands had been laid bare by the
Byzantine
troops, he desired to return to the Bulgarian state the land which
Emperor Ioannis
had taken from the Bulgarians, together with the towns in it. This had
long
been a source of sorrow to the Bulgarians. Finding, as he believed, the
moment
suitable, he descended from Haemus4 and, crossing the Hebrus,5
he rapidly conquered vast lands and easily annexed many towns. The
populace,
who were Bulgarians, went over to their compatriots and shook off the
foreign
yoke. And the fortresses, left only with a Byzantine guard that was
inadequate
to offer resistance under the circumstances, were easily
accessible to the
Bulgarians. Some panicked from fear and gave up the fortresses in
exchange for
freedom to go home, others took flight and left them unprotected
because of the
sudden attack, because they could not immediately think of anything
useful to
do, and still others were, naturally, tired of the long service, since
they had
been ordered to keep guard for too long a time. And most of the
fortresses were
unfinished and insufficiently armed. Stanimaka, Peroushtitsa,
Krichim and
Tsepena were immediately captured, together with everything in the
Ahrid region
except Mniak, which alone remained in Byzantine hands. Ustra, Perperek,
Krivus
and the Adrianople Plain called Ephraim also fell to the Bulgarians.
After this
turn of events and after the Byzantine
State also found itself in difficulties in the West, a
rumour /about
this/ reached the Emperor's ears, informing him that evils even greater
than
the present ones were
expected. Then the people in the palace became exceedingly anxious, for
it was
known that the greater part of the western regions were populated by
Bulgarians, who had long ago split away from the Byzantines
and were, until recently, subjugated to Emperor Ioannis,
but they had not been thoroughly subdued and they always harboured a
great
hatred for the Byzantines.
Georgii
Acropolitae Opera, rec. A. Heisenberg, I-II, Lipsiae 1903, PP-107-109; cp. ГИБИ, VIII, pp. 183
184; the original is in
Greek
1Georgius
Acropolita occupied high
posts at the Emperor's Court. As a military commander and a participant
in the
events, he was familiar with the population in the Empire's western
regions
2 The Nicean Emperor
Theodore II
Lascaris (R. 1254^1258) arrived in the Balkan
Peninsula iron Asia Minor in order to stop the advance of Bulgarian
Tsar Mihail
II Assen towards the south and southeast
3 The Bulgarian
ruler Mihail II Assen
(R. 1246-1257)
4 The Balkan Range
5 The river Maritsa
47
The Byzantine author Georghis
Acropolita calls Demetrius Chomatianus the Archbishop of the Bulgarians
13th c.
21.
And
Theodore Comnenus,1 whom we mentioned a little while ago, was not content with his
position and assumed royal dignity. After he had become lord
of Salonica and had subjugated much of the Byzantine
land which had been seized by the Italians,2 as well as much
of that
which had been conquered by the Bulgarians, he dressed himself in
purple and
put on red shoes. This move was most rigorously opposed by the
Archbishop of
Salonica, Constantino Mesopotamit, who, because he upheld canon law,
exposed
himself to many calamities and exile. The Bulgarian Archbishop
Demetrius,3
however, crowned him with the royal diadem, saying that he was
independent and
accountable to none, and that he therefore had the right to anoint
kings whomsoever,
wheresoever and whensoever he wished.
Georgii
Acropolitae Opera, rec. A. Heisenberg, I-II, Lipsiae 1903; ГИБИ, VIII, p. 158;
the original is in Greek
1 Theodore Angel
Duka Comnenus,
Byzantine despot of Epirus
(R. 1215-1224) and Emperor of Salonica (R. 1224-1230)
2 i.e. the crusaders
of the Fourth
Crusade
3 Demetrius
Chomatianus, Archbishop
of Ohrid at the beginning of the 13th century (1216-1235)
48
The Byzantine Emperor, Andronicus
II Paleologus,1 presented the
Archbishop of Ohrid with a mantle
with an inscription saying that the Archbishop
was the spiritual head of the Bulgarian
population
13th-14th
c.
Shepherd
of the Bulgarians, at
sacrificial mass remember the ruler Andronicus Paleologus!
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
pp. 149-150; the original is in Greek
1Emperor of Byzantium
(1282-1328)
49
The Byzantine historian Nicephorus
Gregora1 writes of Bulgarians in Stroumitsa, whom he calls
Moesians
14th c.
...
I will skip
everything that happened to us up to the Strymon. There, however, we
experienced something that deserves mention more than all other things
which
awake a feeling of tears and laughter in men's souls. We committed
an act so
foolish as to be worthy of Democritus’s2 laughter; and it
exposed us
to a danger worthy of Heraclitus's3 tears. All know that the
Strymon
cannot be crossed either on foot or on horseback, because it is the biggest
of the rivers which cross Thrace
and Macedonia and
flow into
the Hellespont and the Aegean. It
rises in the
very high mountains which stretch continuously to the Ionian Sea,
beginning
from the Pont Euxine4 and bounded, to the south, by Thrace
and
Macedonia, and to the north by the lands of the Moesians5
and the
river Ister.6 This is the biggest of the rivers which
irrigate the
Scythian land and it flows into the Pont Euxine through five mouths. It
was in
a somewhat small boat that we tried to cross the Strymon, which has its
beginning
in certain springs and is full of whirlpools. We spent a whole day
crossing the
river, sometimes one by one, sometimes three at a time, together with
the
baggage animals. The number of the baggage animals and our own number
was 20 to 140. By the
time we had managed to cross
over, the sun was past noon, and was setting in the west. We should
have
pitched camp and unharnessed the animals somewhere. But we led
ourselves
astray, and continued our journey, hoping we would soon find a
convenient place
hi which to rest before we had covered 15 stadia.7 But
this hope was vain. Constant raids by robbers had recently plundered
those
places and turned them into a desert. That is why we roamed around that
place
like wanderers, trusting in God alone and in our own uncertain hopes.
Then
night fell, because the sun set, and all the roads were plunged into
darkness.
There was no moon. It had gone only half of its course around the earth
and was
of little use to us with its rays, because it was in its first quarter.
We went
along this road in pitch darkness, like those of whom it is said that
they
descend from Tenar into hell,8 or like those who descended
into the
prophetic cave
of Trophonius.9 Then
the moonless night was aggravated by the shadow of the surrounding
hills. Their
tall peaks so hid the sky from our eyes that we could not find our
difficult
way even by the stars. My heart stood still, for there was a long and
difficult
road ahead of us. We soon came to extremely thick and dense brush, full
of many
holes and crevices. In it, we paid no attention to our shoes and
clothes which
were being torn by the thorns, because we were looking after our eyes
alone,
for numerous sheaves of branches were constantly hitting us with enmity
across
the face. Nor did we worry any longer about the halters and reins with
which we
drove the horses, and we protected our eyes with our hands. Some of the
servants accompanying us were completely oblivious of the fear that had
come
over us, and they were emitting loud shouts and singing tragic songs.
These
glorified men of whom we had only heard but had not seen. The
surrounding
chasms and deep gulches in the mountains around us took up their shouts
and,
like living beings, repeated them with precision and without altering
them,
completely preserving the
rhythm, echoing them and singing them back
in turn,
as choirs do when they repeat verses in reply to those already sung. In
these
circumstances, I tried in every way to keep up my spirits so that I
would not
be broken by so many horrors. But my spirit refused to obey and never
ceased
criticizing me for the untimely passage. Turning constantly in on
itself, my
spirit saw constantly recurring images of ambushes and blood-thirsty
men, who
would attack us from some hiding place and kill us with swords. And
while we
were still in this difficult position, there suddenly appeared from the
surrounding rocks and chasms some men dressed in black clothes made of
wool and
sheepskins, which they themselves prepared from sheep whenever they
needed.
Those men were truly like demoniac visions. It was true that they were
not clad
in iron like heavily-armed soldiers, but they were not without weapons,
either.
Most of them held in their hands some weapon for close combat, such as
a spear
or an axe. Others had arrows. Initially our people were overcome by
horror and
fear. And how could it be otherwise? Were we not in strange places
amidst the
impenetrable darkness of the night, and, moreover, among people
who did not
know our language? Most of the local population are old immigrants from
Moesia and have the same way of life
as our compatriots.
Afterwards we regained our spirits and recovered, because they greeted
us
pleasantly and cordially in their own language. They showed no
signs of
wanting to rob us, either because they were too few in comparison with
us and
did not feel equal to fighting us, or because God had stopped them. I
think it
was more the second than the first, because, as locals experienced in
laying ambush
in those places against us foreigners, and with the dense forest as
their ally
in such pitch darkness, they could have fought us, like people who see
against
blind men, had they so desired. After we had similarly greeted them
(some of
our men knew something of their language), they briefly informed us of
the
reason for their presence there. They were guardians of the roads and
were
supposed to chase away everyone who, by stealthy attack, tried to
plunder the
vicinity. It was already past the third part of the night,10
as we
observed from some stars overhead. We soon heard dogs barking, which
not only
attracted our attention, but also spoke of a village with many people,
which
could welcome those tired after much labour, and offer them at least
some comforts,
if not all. After we had hurriedly taken ourselves there, we dispersed
into the
houses, like men saved from storm and shipwreck in some part. They say
that all
bread tastes good to a hungry man, and to us the bread rolled in ashes
did,
indeed, taste sweet and pleasant. We traveled all the following day and
reached
a small town located above the clouds, so to speak, and called
Stroumitsa in
the local language. It is built on a tall mountain, so the people who
perch on
its fortresses resemble birds of some sort, if one observes them from
the field
...
Nicephori
Gregorae Byzantina historia, I, Bonnae 1829-1830,
p. 374-379.
1 Nicephorus
Gregora, together with
other persons, was sent by the Byzantine Emperor Andronici II to the
King of
Serbia, Stefan Dechanski, to settle relations between Serbia and Byzantium
during the '30s of the 14th c.
2 Democritus was an
ancient Greek
philosopher who believed that atoms are the basis of matter. He also
viewed
things from their lighter side
3 Heraclitus was an
ancient Greek philosopher who believed that fire was the basis of all
things.
He was gloomy and
mourned for the
world which was doomed to destruction.
4 i.e. the Black Sea
5 Byzantine writers
called the
Bulgarians 'Moesians'
6 The river Danube
7A stadium
was equal to 180 meters
8 Tenar is a
mountain in Greek
mythology which held the entrance to the underworld
9 The prophet
Trophonius lived in
Beotia. According to the legend, anyone who entered his cave did not
smile for
a whole year afterwards,
10 The night was
divided
into four parts: from 18 to 21 hrs, from 21 hrs to midnight, from
midnight to 03 hrs, and from 03 to 06 hrs. Consequently, the text
refers to the period from midnight.
50
The Synodicon of Tsar Boril
(Palaouzov's copy) states that the
Archbishops of Ohrid are subordinated to
the Turnovo Patriarchate
14th c.
And
those Metropolitans whom we
shall now mention, they were at the time of the pious Tsar Assen under
the rule
of the Turnovo Patriarchate and died then.
……….
158.
Ioannicius
and Sergius, Archbishops of Ohrid, may their memory live for ever.
М. Г. Нопруженко, Синодик царя Борила,
Български
старини (М. G.
Popruzhenko, Synodicon of
Tsar Boril, Bulgarian Antiquity), vol. VIII, Sofia, p. 93; the original is in Old
Bulgarian
51
The Serbian King Stefan Dusan in a
letter to the Venetian Doge Andrea Dandolo styles himself also ruler of
no
small part of the
Bulgarian Kingdom
1345
By
the grace of God Stefan, King of
Serbia, Dioclea, Zachulmia, Zeta, Albania and the Primorie, and ruler of
no small
part of the Kingdom of Bulgaria,1 and Lord of almost all
Romania.
Monumenta
Slavorum meridionalium II, Zagrabiae, 1870, p. 278;
Йордан
Иванов, Българите в Македония, (Yordan Ivanov, The
Bulgarians in Macedonia),
p. 154; the
original is in Latin
1 This refers mainly
to Macedonia, which
Stefan Dusan annexed to Serbia
52
Documents of the notary Manoli
Braschiano concerning the sale and liberation of slaves
of Bulgarian nationality from Macedonia1
1381-1383
On September
12, 1381 for sale 'a slave ...
Maria, of
Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Prilep' (No. 19)
On November
4, 1381 for sale '... Theodora, of Bulgarian
stock, from the settlement of Kostour ...' (No. 31)
On July 5,
1382 for sale ‘... a slave named Alexos
of Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Seres ...' (No.
99)
On
July 8, 1382 for sale '... a slave named
Irina, of
Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Kostour.' (No. 100)
On July 12,
1382 for sale ‘... a slave named Irina, of
Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Devol ...'
(No. 105)
On September
18, 1382 for sale '... a slave named Dimiter, a
Bulgarian, from the settlement of Voden ..’ (No. 125)
On September
21, 1382 for sale a slave '... of Bulgarian stock, from the settlement
of Veles ...' (No, 126)
On September
23, 1382 for sale ‘... a slave named Theodora, of Bulgarian
stock, from the settlement of Prilep ,..' (No. 129)
On September
28, 1382 for sale '… a slave of Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of
Prilep, named Mila in Bulgarian and now renamed Margarita ...' (No. 136)
On December
5,
1382 for sale a slave '...
Mihail, of
Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Philocarana, near Thessalonica
...' (No. 155)
On February
9, 1383 for sale a slave '...
Irina, of
Bulgarian stock, from the settlement of Kostour ...'
(No. 174)
On March 4,
1383 for sale a slave'... Mihail, of Bulgarian
stock, from the settlement of Skopje
...' (No. 184)
On
March 7, 1383 for sale 'a slave named Maria, a Bulgarian from Prespa
...' (No. 189)
On March 8,
1383 freed the slave '... Dimiter, of Bulgarian stock, from the
settlement of Skopje
...' (No. 190)
On May 10,
1383 for sale 'a
slave, named Kali, of Bulgarian stock, from settlement of Devol ...' (No. 205)
Ив. Сакъзов, Новооткрити документи от края на
XIV
в. за българи от Македония, продавани като роби, Мак. преглед , (I. Sakuzov, Newly-found documents from the end of
the 14th
c. about Bulgarians
from Macedonia sold as
slaves, Makedonski
Pregled),
1932, No.
2-3, pp.
1 52; the original is
in
Italian
1 During the 14th
c., more
precisely in 1381, 1382 and 1383 in the town of Candia,
on the isle of Crete, there was a
slave market, where the sale and
liberation of slaves was confirmed by a notarial deed. The notary,
Manoli
Braschiano, questioned the slave and, according to the answer, wrote
down his
name, nationality and his native town. Bulgarians, Greeks, Wallachians,
Turks,
Russians, Tartars, Hungarians and Serbians were sold there, but all
slaves from
Skopje, Veles, Prilep, Bitola, Kostour, Voden, Prespa, Debur, etc.,
i.e. from
all Macedonia, with the exception of a few Greeks and Wallachians, are
recorded
as being Bulgarians
53
The Serbian writer Mihail of
Ostrovitsa reports in his chronicle
that Dusan's successor, Uros Ludi,
ordered the two brothers Vulkasin and Ugljes to rule over the
Bulgarian
lands
15th c.
He
allowed the two brothers1
to govern the Bulgarian Kingdom ... When was only four miles
away from Drenopole,2 the two brothers, who had
oc-»ied the
Bulgarian land, rose up against their lord.
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia), p.
157; the original is in
Serbian
1 Vulkasin ruled
western Macedonia,
and Ugljes — south-eastern Macedonia, and
for this reason the source states that they ruled Bulgarian lands
2 Adrianople
54
Information from Dubrovnik
about the Bulgarian monastery of
St Yakun Osogovsky or Sarandoporsky,
near Kriva Palanka (Northern
Macedonia)
1474
The
Dubrovhik Council decided to give
20 perperi (gold coins)
'as alms to Bulgarian monastery of St. Yakim.'
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, p. 165; the original is in Latin
55
Signature of Gregorius, the
Archbishop of Ohrid, on a parchment deed
16th c.
By
God's grace, of all Bulgaria
and Justiniana Prima Ohrid
Archbishop, Gregorius.1
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, pp. 130-131;
the original is in Greek
1 The signature is
on a Greek parchment deed preserved in the Rumyantsev
Museum
in Moscow,
in
the Grigorovich Collection, under the number 820
56
In the Synodicon of Tsar Boril
(Drinov's copy) Samuil, Radomir and Vladimir appear in the list of the ancient
Bulgarian Tsars. Of Cyril the Philosopher it says that he
translated the
sacred books from the Greek into the Bulgarian language
16th c.
87.
Beginning
of the Bulgarian Tsars: To Boris, the First Bulgarian Tsar, named
Mihail at his
holy baptism, who brought the Bulgarian race to wisdom through holy
baptism,
eternal memory.
To his son
Simeon and his grandson
Tsar Peter, of Plenimir, Boris, Roman, Samuil, Radomir Gavril, Vladimir,
Vladislav, old Bulgarian Tsars,
who, with an earthly kingdom, inherited also the Kingdom of heaven –
eternal memory.
To the old
Bulgarian Queen Maria — eternal memory.
88.
To Cyril
the Philosopher, who translated the Holy Scriptures from the Greek
language
into the Bulgarian and enlightened the Bulgarian race, the new second
apostle,
during the reign of Mihail and the Orthodox Queen Theodora, his mother,
who
adorned God's church with sacred
icons and strengthened the Orthodox faith - eternal memory.
М. Г. Попруженко, Синодик царя Борила,
Български
старини, (М. G.
Popruzhenko, Synodicon of
Tsar Boril, Bulgarian Antiquities),
vol. VIII, Sofia, 1928,
p. 77; the original is in Old
Bulgarian
57
Citizens of Dubrovnik
in Skopje report that the plague in Macedonia
is
exterminating Bulgarians and Turks equally
June 30th, 1502
...
We,
Vladislav de Sorgo and Luca de Bona, report in good faith what we know.
May your
highnesses know that the plague spread in the region of Skopje during
January, then it disappeared
from this land for a few days in February. After that, from the middle
of
March, it began to appear in many places in Skopje, penetrating chiefly into
small
places, and it affected good people in the homes of Bulgarians and
in the
homes of Turks ... It is still raging today in many
places in the town.
As
regards the surrounding area,
the disease was discovered in Kratovo, Polog, Veles and Ovche
Pole in October. It is true that in Kratovo it has
almost subsided, but in the other three places there are still quite a
number
of cases. Besides, Gentlemen, in the villages of the Skopje
plain which are situated two or three miles from the town of Skopje, such as
Dzhakovo and many others, in
which, since December, the disease has not appeared in a severe form,
there are
still quite a few cases...
Diversa
notarie, vol. 81, pp. 138-139;
the original is in Italian
58
From the Third Zograf BeadroU,
containing the names of donors
to the Zograf Monastery at Mt. Athos
from settlements and regions
indicated
as Bulgarian lands
1527-17281
Zagorie: Turnov
town, Bulgarian land - Gabrovo town, Svishtov town, Tryavna village,
Prisoi village, Elena
village, Dryanovo Monastery, Kostenets mine, Yambol, Lovech town,
Etropole area, Teteven (Tetovian) village, Sveta Troitsa (Holy Trinity)
Monastery, Bdin (Vidin) town, Silistra town, Ruschuk, Mitropolia village, Bryast
village, Vratsa town, Chirepiesh Monastery, Kasinets Monastery,
Kiporovtsi area, Chervena Voda, Oryahovitsa.
Sredets: Sofia
town, Vrubnitsa village, Dragalevtsi village, Lokorsko village, Zhelen
village, Kremikovtsi Monastery, Divotino Monastery, St. Archangel
Monastery ‘on the river Erma,' Pernik village, Meshtitsa village,
Zheleznitsa Monastery, Koroubiiane village, Chelopechani village,
Krivina village, Zhelyava village, Ponor village, Rila Monastery, Dryan
village, Samokov town, Palikaria (Pokraina), Rila smeltery, Dryan
village, Rila village.
Znepole2
Pirot town: Visok
area3
Pelagonia4: Bitola town -
Malivishta, Grulyani, Kovanets Monastery, Orle Monastery, Dolna Prespa, St. Ilia
Monastery, Bigor Monastery, Stip town, Novolod Stip village, Poloshki
Monastery, Prodrom Monastery, Dihovo Monastery, Ressen village,
Treskavets Monastery, Zurzei Monastery, Boshava Monastery, Gradishte
Monastery, Strezhevo Monastery, Kichava (Kyuchevo - Ed.) town,
Enidje-Pazar town, Sermenin, Houma, Vudrishta village, Gvozdovo
village,
Haivatovo, Krakopetsi village, Tikvesh, Prilep town, Veles, Stroumitsa,
Radovisht, Dedino village, Chichevo village, Orizare, Rosoman village,
Grunchishta village, Krivolok, Zlatare, Yanko(vechki) Monastery,
Skopje,
Gomendje, Strouga, Vrubani, Debre (Debur Ed.), Lesnovo Monastery,
Kostour, Ber, Kriva Reka, Magarevo village,
Pozharsko, Polyanin (Doiran — Ed.), Koukoush.
Razlog: Bansko village,
St.
Theodore of Turliz Monastery, Oshtava village, Nevrokop town,
Kosovrasti Dolno,
Belasitsa village.
Plovdiv Plain: Plovdiv
town, Peshtera area, Pazardjik town, Peroushtitsa village, Krichim, St.
Vrachi Monastery, Kara Dere, Raikovo,
Chokmanovo, Stanimaka (Assenovgrad - Ed.)
...
Йордан Иванов, Български старини в
Македония, (Yordan Ivanov, Bulgarian Antiquities in
Macedonia), phototype edition, Sofia, 1970, pp. 495 500,
507, 508, 511, 512
1 These are the
initial and final
dates of the document. The beadroll contains the names of Christians
who have
donated ten silver coins each. Since, among the names, there are names
of women
and of nuns, it is clear that the entries of the donations were not
made at
Zograf Monastery by male pilgrims only, but were also made in the
regions
covered by the monastery's collectors, who were thoroughly familiar
with the
ethnic composition of the population. The text published here quotes
only the
names of the regions and settlements under the heading of 'Bulgarian
land,' and
the names of the donors can be seen in the facsimiles
2A region covering
the Breznik and Trim areas
3 This is still the
name of the eastern part of the area around Pirot up
to the Balkan Range
4 Peflagonia in the
original. This
heading includes the settlements in Macedonia
59
Representatives of the Osogovo
Monastery at Kriva Palanka, of the Monastery of the
Annunciation at
Kyustendil and of the Bilina
Monastery at Trun appear in Moscow
to
ask Tsar Feodor Ivanovich for aid
1586
/The
Russian Tsar was informed/ 'of
the arrival from the Bulgarian land of Vissarion of Kolossia, from the
Monastery of the Annunciation, of the anchorite Yoakim and the abbot
Gervasii,
from the monastery in the great mountain of Osogovitsa, and of the
priest Stefan,
from the Monastery of the Archangel near Bilina.'
Сношения Росени с Востоком по делам церковньiм (Russia's Relations with the East on Church
Matters),
St Petersburg, 1858, vol. I, 182;
Йордан
Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The
Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, pp. 168-169;
the original is in
Russian
60
Evidence from the Venetian
Ambassador Lorenzo Bernardo on the Bulgarian character of the
settlements in
Macedonia
1591
They
say that Strouga is a town
but, in fact, it is more of a village; it is the first settlement one
comes to
in Bulgaria.
Through Strouga there flows a river, which runs out of the lake of Ohrid;
here, they say, is also the source of the river of the town of Lesius
(Drim River). Practically the whole
plain of
Strouga is cultivated, tilled and very fertile; a little further away,
at the
beginning of the plain of Strouga, one crosses a bridge which is on the
boundary between Albania
and
Bulgaria.
The Bulgarians speak Slavonic and observe the Greek (East Orthodox)
rite.
On
May 23, proceeding further on a good road, they reached Bitola at 19
o'clock. Bitola
is a Bulgarian
town, densely populated, as they say, 1,500 houses, of which 200 are
Jewish.
On May 27,
descending the hill abounding in water and wells, they followed the
foot
of the mountain situated opposite the hill and came down into a wide
plain
which the Turks call Vardar Ova and the Bulgarians - Slanitsa.
They
crossed a wooden
bridge, 300 paces long, leading across the Vardar
River, which
further up flows
through Skopje ...
This bridge
is the boundary between Bulgaria
and Thessaly. Near the bridge there
is a house
from which a Bulgarian
girl came with a loaf baked under hot ashes.
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia,
pp. 169-170; the
original is in Italian
61
Information about the population of
Skopje
and its
environs by a Russian who was a Turkish prisoner-of-war
17th c.
...
And
the inhabitants of Skopje are Turks, and there are
also many inhabitants who are Christians ... and on three sides
around the settlement of Skopje
all the inhabitants are Bulgarians.
Описание турецкой империи, составленное русским,
бьiвшим
в плену у турок в XVII веке, под редакцией П. А. Смрку (Description
of
the Turkish Empire by
a
Russian Prisoner of
War with the Turks during the 17-th
century, edited by
P.A. Syrku), S.
Petersburg,
1890, p.
38. Cf. Йордан Иванов,
Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The
Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, p. 182; the original is in
Russian
62
Information from the Turkish
traveller Hadji Kalfa1
about
the Bulgarian population of certain towns in Macedonia
17th c.
Bitola, between Lerin,
Prilep,
Prespa and Ohrid. It takes 15 days to travel ere from
Constantinople, via Thessalonica, Vardar
and Voden. The inhabitants are
Bulgarians, Sultan Murad the Conqueror in 784
(1382-1383) sent
Timurtash Pasha, who took the town by the sword ...
Hrupishta,
on the shore of the Lake
Kostour,
2 hours away from Kostour. Kostour, Biglishta, Naselitsa
are situated nearby. The inhabitants are Bulgarians.
Ohrid,
south-west of Skopje, 16 days' journey
from Constantinople, on the eastern
side of a lake. The
boundaries are: Prespa, Starovo, Kichevo. The inhabitants are
Bulgarians; there
are gold and silver mines here.
Geographical
description of Roumelia and Bosnia
by Mustafa ben Abdulah Hadji Kalfa. From the German edition by Joseph
von
Hammer translated and annotated by Stoyan Argirov, Archives of
Investigations
of Settlements, I, Sofia, 1938, vol. 3, pp. 60, 61,
84; the original is in Turkish
1 Author of many
works, including a general geography
63
Information
about the Bulgarian population in settlements
in Macedonia, contained in the
travel notes of Evliya Chelebi1
17th c.
In Skopje there is
an Armenian, a Bulgarian and
a Serbian church and a Jewish synagogue. The French, Hungarians and
Germans
have nothing. The Latins are quite numerous and attend the Serbian
church.
From here
/Kratovo/, having set out
towards the east, we passed through the Bulgarian village of
Nagorichani and
took horses from the village of Murad, which has six hundred houses,
extracts
iron ore and is a Bulgarian village.
...
We set out
from here /town of Dupnitsa/ eastward and after having walked for a day
we
reached the village of Durgan. It is a Bulgarian village and has 200
houses.
...
Starting
from here /the town of Doupnitsa/ in an easterly direction and having
walked
one day, we reached the village of Dourgan. This is a Bulgarian village
consisting of 200 houses.
After
having
walked an hour and a
half northward, we reached the village of Izvor,
situated by a
river and at the foot of a mountain. This Bulgarian village has one
hundred and
fifty houses and is a spahi one. From here we proceeded southwards
along one
bank for six hours and reached the fortress of Prilep, which is in a
wooded
locality.
In general
here /Prilep/ the
Bulgarian language is spoken, because all Christians are Serbians and
Bulgarians.
All the
urban
/about Pirot/ rayah
are Bulgarian.
А. Шопов, Евлия Челеби, Периодическо списание
на българското книжовно дружество в София (А. Shopov, Evliya Chelebi, Periodical of
the Bulgarian Scholarly Society in
Sofia), ХП, Sofia, 1902, pp. 175, 179,
182, 184, 185, 192; the original is
in
Turkish
1 A Turkish
traveller and
geographer (1611-1682), famous for his extensive
travel notes, 'Geyahatname,' giving a full description of the countries
and
regions he traversed, mainly the lands in the Balkan
Peninsula
64
Information from the Turkish
historian Hodja Saadeddin1 in his chronicle Crown of Histories about
the
Bulgarian character of North
Macedonia at the time of Constantine Deyan2
17th c.
Indeed,
the Kyustendil ruler, known
by the name of Constantine
and famous for possessing extensive lands and spahis (warriors -
editor's note), was the supreme ruler in the Bulgarian region and was
in
possession of the lands in which the Tala and Nakra mines were situated
...
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, p. 162; the original is in
Turkish
1 The author of
travel notes
2 Constantine Deyan, ruler of
the Velbuzhd
principality in south-western Bulgaria,
who became a Turkish vassal and died in 1394 in the war against the
Wallachian chieftain Mircca.
65
Information in the manuscript General
and Turkish History, written by
Ramazan-Zaade, concerning the conquest of Northern Macedonia and of the Kratovo mines by the Turks
1638
After
the remaining towns and
places had also been conquered, the Kyustendil ruler, /Constantine
Deyan - Ed./ who possessed the Bulgarian land with the gold and silver
mines ... /was subjugated - Ed./
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, p. 162; the original is in
Turkish
66
Information from the Catholic
Bulgarian Bishop Peter Bogdan about the boundaries of the Bulgarian land
1640
Bulgaria and
her boundaries.
Today all that land once named First Moesia Superior, part of Moesia
Inferior,
all Thrace, with the exception of the Gallipoli littoral, where the Greek language is spoken, the
greater part of Macedonia, all
Morava, as far as
Ohrid, up to the boundaries of Albania and Greece, and from Serbia
eastwards to
the Black Sea is called Bulgaria. In the north the Danube separates it
from
Wallachia and Moldavia,
in
olden times called Ancient Dacia, Transdanubian
Dacia,
etc.
E.
Fermendzin, Acta Bulgariae ecclesiastica ab A. 1565
usque ad 1799.
Zagrabiae 1887,
p. 69.
Йордан Иванов, Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in Macedonia),
Sofia, 1917, pp. 173 174;
the original is in
Italian
67
Information about the town of Skopje to a
Catholic
document
1653
...
in the town of Skopje, a Bulgarian town, Monsignor Don Andrea is Bishop.
Н. И. Милев, Католишката пропаганда в
България
през XVII век (N. I. Milev, Catholic Propaganda
in Bulgaria during the 17th c.), Sofia, 1914, p. 152; the original is in Latin
68
Evidence from the Catholic
Archbishop Peter Bogdan about the Bulgarian character of Ohrid and
Skopje
1655,
1667
/1655/
Ohrid, a
Bulgarian town, described by Peter, the
Archbishop of Sofia. The town of Achrida
is called in Slav Okhrida or Ohrid, situated on the lake, called
Lichnida or in
Slavonic - Blato Ohridsko. It was built by
Emperor Justinian, who called it Justiniana Prima and his motherland.
In our
time it falls within the Kingdom
of Bulgaria and
is its
main town: today, too, all those who live inside the town /fortress/
are
Bulgarians.
/1667/ Some
authors place the
Skopje Archbishopric
among 1 Bulgarians because under
the administration of this Archbishopric among the Bulgarians there are
perhaps
some Catholics; other Catholics, however, over whom the Archbishopric also rules, are in Serbia.
Йордан Иванов,
Българите в Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The
Bulgarians in Macedonia), Sofia, 1917, pp.
174-175;
the original is in Italian.
69
Information from the Serbian writer
Jerotej Racanin1
about the town of Veles
1704
And
again on the 14th day we came
to Veles, a Bulgarian town, but the Turks call it Kupriiliya ...
Йордан Иванов, Българите
в Македония; (Yordan Ivanov, The Bulgarians in
Macedonia), p. 182;the original is in Serbian
1 A monk, copyist
of Serbian Orthodox church books
and author of travel notes
70
Information
from die Russian traveller V. G.
Barski concerning Bulgarians in Thessalonica
1725
In
Thessalonica I spent precisely
one day and could not see anything. My stay there was fortunate,
because I
found familiar people, moreover Bulgarians, and they gave me food and
helped me
prepare for the journey.
В.
Григорович — Барский, Странствования по святьiм местам Востока с 1723 по 1747
г. Издание Правосл. Палестинским Обществом.
(V. Grigorovich Barsky, Travels
in the Holy Places of the East from 1723 to 1747. Published by the Orthodox Palestine Society St.
Petersburg,1885-1887.Vol.I, p.218. Йордан Иванов, Българите в
Македония (Yordan Ivanov, The
Bulgarians in Macedonia), Sofia, 1917, p. 185; the original is in Russian
71
In a roll of the Yazak Nunnery
(Fruska Gora) it is stated that Kratovo is in Bulgaria
1758
Anna, nun,
born in Kratovo, Bulgaria,
81 years since her birth ...
Came here
to the nunnery in 1744.
D. Ruvarac, Opis srpskih Frusko gorskih
manastira od 1753, (D. Ruvarac, A. Roll of the Serbian Fruska Gora
Monastery of 1753) Sr. Karlovtsi, 1905, pp. 88-89.
Йордан Иванов, Български
старини из Македония, (Yordan Ivanov, Bulgarian Antiquities in
Macedonia) 2nd edition, Sofia, 1931, p. 156; the original is
in
Serbian