1. Иоанн преподобный, исповедник (Православная Энциклопедия)
2. Щапов Я. Н. Византийское и южнославянское правовое наследие на Руси в XI–XIII вв. (М., 1978)
3. Vera von Falkenhausen, ‘Patellaria’ (The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 1991)
4. Ferdinando Maurici, Sicilia bizantina: il territorio della provincia di Trapani dal VI al IX secolo (In: A. Corretti (ed.), Quarte giornate internazionali di Studi sull'Area Elima, vol. II, Pisa, 2003)
5. Cristina Torre, Italo-Greek monastic Typika (In: Barbara Crostini, Ines Angeli Murzaku (eds.), Greek Monasticism in Southern Italy: The Life of Neilos in Context, 2018, Routledge, p. 44-77)
6. Beek Н. G. Kirche und theologische Literatur im Byzantinischen Reich (München, 1959)
1.
Православная Энциклопедия
под редакцией Патриарха Московского и всея Руси Кирилла
(Текст от http://www.pravenc.ru/text/468997.html)
ИОАНН
преподобный, исповедник (память визант. 4 августа; память греч. 3 августа). Согласно Синаксарю Константинопольской церкви (конец X в.), в котором память Иоанна содержится под 4 августа, он был игуменом монастыря на острове Пателария (в других источниках - Паталарея; ныне Пантеллерия), расположенном между Сицилией и Тунисом. Иоанн назван исповедником, что, возможно, указывает на время его жизни в период иконоборчества. По мнению западных исследователей, вероятнее всего, Иоанн исполнял обязанности игумена между 765 и 780 гг.
Устав монастыря на острове Пателария сохранился в славянском переводе, в заглавии которого указано имя его основателя и игумена - Иоанн (Мансветов. С. 442). Вероятно, Иоанн, упоминаемый в Синаксаре Константинопольской церкви, и основатель обители, составивший Устав, являются одним лицом. Славянский перевод был выполнен, возможно, в X в. в Болгарии и отражает еще недостаточно изученные связи монашества этой страны с православным монашеством Южной Италии (по мнению некоторых исследователей, перевод следует датировать XII в. (см.: Щапов Я. Н. Византийское и южнославянское правовое наследие на Руси в XI-XIII вв. М., 1978. С. 193)). Памятник сохранился в большом количестве восточнославянских списков 2-й половины XIII-XVII в. в составе Кормчей (начиная с Новгородского списка 80-х гг. XIII в.- ГИМ. Син. № 132) и церковно-юридических сборников (старший - РГБ. Рум. № 230, т. н. Устюжская Кормчая конца XIII (?) - нач. XIV в.).
В каноне преподобнаго Василию (память греч. 21/22 июня), игумен Пателарийской обители, его духовный наставник назван Иоанном; на основании этого можно предположить, что речь идет об Иоанне.
Канон гимнографа Феофана в честь Иоанна содержится в Евергетидском Типиконе 2-й половины XI в. (Дмитриевский. Описание. Т. 1. С. 479). Память Иоанна и стих ему находятся в составе славянского стишного Пролога, переведенного в XIV в. (Петков Г. Стишният Пролог в старата българска, сръбска и руска литература (XIV-XV вв.). Пловдив, 2000. C. 448), под 3 авг. Под этим же числом Иоанн упоминается в греческой печатной Минее (Венеция, 1591). В ВМЧ память Иоанна отмечена под 2 авг. (Иосиф, архим. Оглавление ВМЧ. Стб. 400 (2-я паг.)); в современном календаре РПЦ она отсутствует.
Ист.: SynCP. Col. 865; Νικόδημος. Συναξαριστής. Τ. 6. Σ. 159.
Лит.:
· Мансветов И. Д. Церковный Устав (Типик): его образование и судьба в Греческой и Русской Церкви. М., 1885. С. 442-445;
· Сергий (Спасский). Месяцеслов. Т. 2. С. 235, 236;
· Σωφρόνιος (Εὐστρατιάδης). ῾Αγιολόγιον. Σ. 237; AHG. T. 10. P. 165, 337-381;
· PMBZ, N 3260;
· Fiaccadori G. Typicon of John for the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner on Pantelleria // BMFD. Wash., 2000. P. 59-66. (DOS; 35).
2.
Щапов Я. Н. Византийское и южнославянское правовое наследие на Руси в XI–XIII вв. М.: Наука, 1978
(.pdf файл от www.archive.org )
IV ГЛАВА. РУССКАЯ РЕДАКЦИЯ КОРМЧЕЙ XIII в.
- Поучения, монашеские правила и толкования ветхозаветной и новозаветной символики 191
(стр. 193):
. . .
В кормчую был внесен ряд произведений, связанных с регулированием норм жизни и деятельности монашества. Это прежде всего дисциплинарный (епитимийный) Устав Студийского монастыря, основанного Феодором Студитом («О останьцѣх церковных канон» — ἐπὶ τῶν παραλειπόντων ἐν τῇ εκκλησίᾳ εἰς τῶν κανόνα [84]), правила погребения монахов по Студийскому уставу и второй, более поздний, типик XII в. монастыря святого Иоанна в Пателарии (Пантеллерии — на острове в Средиземном море около Туниса) [85].
Из монашеских правил и поучений в кормчую вошли переводные «Правило черноризцам», епитимийник с заглавием «Василия о епитимьях», рассказ из жития Феодора Сикеота (ум. в 613 г.), известного своим аскетизмом, об отказе его мыться в дни причастия [86] и древнерусские произведения — поучения Кирилла Туровского и «О черноризцах правило».
85. Издано по Иоасафовскому списку Устюжского сборника:
· Мансветов И. Церковный устав (Типик). М., 1885, с. 442—445;
· Beek Н. G. Kirche und theologische Literatur im Byzantinischen Reich. München, 1959, p. 649.
Этот устав также находится в Устюжском сборнике, л. 126—130 об. (Срезневский И. И. Обозрение.., с. 127).
Что касается Иоанна Пателарийского, то Голубинский считал, основываясь на эпитете этого святого «исповедник», что он жил при иконоборцах (Голубинский Е. Е. История русской церкви, т. I, пол. 1, с. 652—653; т. I, пол. 2, с. 376—377).
В начале IX в. в этот монастырь был сослан святой Евфимий исповедник, епископ Сардский (Бенешевич В. Я. Синагога.., с. 208).
Существует канон Иоанну, игумену Пателарии, принадлежащий Феофану (Сергий, архиеп. Полный месяцеслов православного Востока, т. I. М.т 1876, с. 165; т. II. М., 1876, с. 236, 431).
86. О Феодоре Сикеоте, бывшем епископе Анастасиуполиса около Анкиры и житии его, написанном его учеником Георгием Элевсиосом, см.: Krumbacher К. Geschichte der Byzantinischen Literatur. München, 1897, S. 191; Ehrhard A. Überlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur. Leipzig, 1937, I, 1, S. 424, 612; Bardenheuler О. Geschichte der altkrichlichen Literatur, Bd. V. Freiburg, 1932, S. 141. Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca, ed. 3. Bruxelles, 1957, nr. 1748.
3.
Vera von Falkenhausen, ‘Patellaria’
(In: Alexander Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 1991, v. 3, p. 1594)
PATELLARIA (Πατελλαρία, mod. Pantelleria), volcanic island about 100 km southwest of Sicily. Between the late 7th and the 8th C. the classical name Cossyra was changed to Patellaria, a word probably derived from patella, a concave dish used for the production of salt. During the 8th and early 9th C. Patellaria served the Byz. government as a place of exile. In that period, a Byz. monk, John, perhaps a refugee from Iconoclasm, founded a Greek monastery on Patellaria. The monastery’s typikon, only part of which is preserved in Church Slavonic translation (I. Mansvetov, Cerkovnyj ustav’ [tipik’] [Moscow 1885] 442-45), is mainly based on the monastic rule of Pachomios. John and his successor Basil were locally venerated as saints. The Arabs conquered the island between 836 and 864, and Byz. never recovered it.
Lit. G. Scalia, “Le Kuriate e Pantelleria,” Bulletin du Cange 43 (1984) 65-100. A. Acconcia Longo, Analecta hymnica Graeca e codicibus eruta Italiae inferioris, x: Canones Iunii (Rome 1972) 163-76, 375-81.
– V.v.F.
4.
Ferdinando Maurici, Sicilia bizantina: il territorio della provincia di Trapani dal VI al IX secolo
(In: A. Corretti (ed.), Quarte giornate internazionali di Studi sull'Area Elima, vol. II, Pisa, 2003)
(.pdf файл от lsa.sns.it)
. . .
4. Le isole
(стр. 913-4):
. . .
La presenza cristiana a Pantelleria non dovette essere totalmente distrutta dalla scorreria di Ibn Qatan al principio dell’VIII secolo. Il monastero basiliano cui si è già accennato esisteva senza dubbio nell’isola alla fine dello stesso secolo [194]. I monaci, infatti, furono catturati durante un’incursione e in numero di circa sessanta vennero condotti prigionieri nella Spagna islamica e messi in vendita: riscattati in buona parte nell’803 da Carlo Magno [195], poterono ritornare in patria, quindi nella stessa Pantelleria o -più probabilmente- nella meno insicura Sicilia. Al monastero di Pantelleria è dedicato un testo paleoslavo, un typikon che ha tramandato una regola rigidissima, con una «disciplina quasi militare» [196]. Agli inizi del IX secolo, distrutto o in decadenza il monastero, l’isola rimase probabilmente poco abitata; servì inoltre da destierro per personaggi illustri come il metropolita di Sardi ed i vescovi di Amorion e Nicomedia [197].
H. Bresc vede quindi nella Pantelleria dell’ VIII-inizi IX secolo
«un’avanguardia della civiltà bizantina protesa verso l’Africa, un ricordo di ciò che era stato Cartagine con un carattere più spiccatamente greco, un luogo in cui si conservavano valori culturali che in Ifriqiya stavano invece cambiando» [198].
La conquista definitiva dell’isola da parte dei musulmani dovette avvenire negli stessi anni in cui iniziò la penetrazione in Sicilia. Ibn Khaldun ricorda una vittoriosa spedizione contro l’isola avvenuta sotto Ziadat Allah I e guidata da Asad ibn al-Furat, il condottiero dello sbarco di Mazara [199]: la distruzione o la sottomissione definitiva della superstite comunità cristiana di Pantelleria potrebbe quindi avere immediatamente preceduto o seguito lo sbarco in Sicilia dell’827.
914
Anche dopo questa spedizione, però, come dopo quella verificatasi attorno al 700, non è certo sia subito seguito un vero e proprio stanziamento musulmano. Un periodo di abbandono di Pantelleria -anche se non necessariamente completo- si giustificherebbe bene per i decenni di guerra seguiti allo sbarco di Mazara: potrebbe allora essersi affermata la paura - registrata dal geografo al-Dimishqi- per i luoghi dell’isola deserti e frequentati solo da spiriti maligni e diabolici [200].
. . .
194. Fondatore del monastero fu un certo Giovanni, probabilmente di origini orientali come il suo successore, Basilio: cf. v. FALKENHAUSEN, Il monachesimo greco in Sicilia, in «La Sicilia rupestre nel contesto delle civiltà mediterranee. Atti del sesto Convegno Internazionale di Studio sulla Civiltà Rupestre Medievale nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia, Catania - Pantalica - Ispica 1981», Galatina 1986, 152-153.
Il toponimo ‘Monastero’ designa oggi una vasta area al centro dell’isola ma forse l’ubicazione del complesso cenobitico è da porsi non lontano dall’antica acropoli.
195. Annalium Laurissensium continuatio usque ad A. 829 auctore Einhardo, in MGH, Scriptores, I, Hannover 1826 [Stuttgart 1976], 194; cf. inoltre BRESC, Pantelleria tra Islam e Cristianità, Nuove Effemeridi, XII, 48, 1999/IV, 19.
196. V. FALKENHAUSEN, Il monachesimo... cit., 155.
Il typikon si legge tradotto in italiano a cura di I. DUJCEV, Il tipico del monastero di S. Giovanni nell’isola di Pantelleria, Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata, N. S. XXV, 1971, 3-17.
197. Cf. V. FALKENHAUSEN, Il monachesimo... cit., 154.
198. BRESC, Pantelleria... cit., 19.
199. In AMARI, Biblioteca arabo sicula, Torino 1880-1881, II, 164. Il cronista ricorda anche una precedente spedizione condotta contro l’isola al tempo del califfo Muawiah ibn abu Sufian. Lo storico Ibn al-Athir ricorda inoltre uno scontro navale verificatosi nell’833 nelle acque di Pantelleria e conclusosi con la cattura del legno bizantino sorpreso dai musulmani che in quell’occasione giustiziarono un rinnegato (AMARI, Biblioteca... cit., I, 370).
200. In AMARI, Biblioteca... cit., I, 247. Difficile verificare se possa collegarsi a leggende così antiche l’attuale toponimo pantesco ‘Calca dei Diavoli’.
5.
Cristina Torre, Italo-Greek monastic Typika
(In: Barbara Crostini, Ines Angeli Murzaku (eds.), Greek Monasticism in Southern Italy: The Life of Neilos in Context, 2018, Routledge, p. 44-77)
(p. 45):
. . .
The Typikon of St John the Forerunner of Pantelleria
The typikon of the monastery of St John the Forerunner of Patelarea or Pantelarea or Patelaria, [16] a place without doubt not identified with the isle of Pantelleria off western Sicily, [17] has come down to us in Slavonic, probably in a shortened and reshaped version. [18]
The typikon is deemed to be the work “of Our Holy Father John the Priest, Superior of Pantelleria,” [19] about whom little or nothing is known. As Augusta Acconcia Longo observed, the Synaxarion of Constantinople celebrates on 3 and 4 August the memory τοῦ ὁσίου πατρὸς ἡμῶν Ἰωάννου τοῦ ὁμολογητοῦ, ἡγουμένου τῆς Πατελαραίας.
46
Yet in honor of John, superior τῆς Πατελλαρέας, the typikon transmitted by Paris. gr. 1569 prescribes a canon of Theophanes for 4 August, whereas the manuscript Coisl. 218 reports, for 7 August, another canon in honor of John that is, however, according to Acconcia Longo, “just a cento of troparia borrowed from other canons in honor of ascetics”. [20] Another monk named John is mentioned in a canon for Basil, τοῦ ἡγουμένου μονῆς τῆς Πατελαρίας or Πετελαρίας, whose memory is celebrated in the Synaxarion of Constantinople on 21 and 22 June. The hymnographer calls John by the titles ποδηγός, ποδηγέτης, καθηγεμών, ποιμήν, πατήρ, putting him on a higher level compared to Basil. [21] However there is neither an explicit reference to Pantelleria nor any link between the island and John.
We do not know exactly when John and Basil lived, nor the date of foundation of the monastery, nor when the typikon was drafted. Nonetheless, the cumulative weight of the following testimonies allows the formulation of a dating hypothesis: the information transmitted by the Vita Euthymii according to which Euthymios of Sardis, Theophylaktos of Nikomedia and Eudoxios of Amorion were exiled on the island by order of Emperor Nikephoros I (802–811); the other report in Annales Fuldenses for the year 806 of a raid by Spanish Arabs on the island, where sixty monks were taken prisoners; the absence from the typikon of Pantelleria of references to the monastic reform of Theodore Studite († 826); its affinity with Pachomian monasticism; the title of confessor that goes with John in the Synaxaria, suggesting that he was the victim of a religious persecution, maybe during the so-called Moechian controversy or during the first phase of Iconoclasm; the reference in the canon of Basil to an ever-impending menace coming from “enemies” (vv. 345– 352), most likely Saracens; the final Arabic occupation of Pantelleria between 836 and 864. [22] Thus, based on all these elements, it seems likely that John and Basil lived between the end of the eighth and the beginning of ninth century. [23] However, we cannot exclude other hypotheses, like the one suggested by Vera von Falkenhausen according to whom John might actually be an Egyptian monk who moved “to the West in the seventh century, together with other compatriots, in consequence of the Arabic conquest of his homeland”. [24] Considering all these elements and allowing – hypothetically speaking – the identification with Pantelleria as the place in question, we can date the foundation of the monastery and the writing of the typikon sometime between the seventh century and the beginning of the ninth.
The Slavonic translation is instead attributed to the tenth century based on linguistic observations, [25] whereas the manuscripts that transmit it are all later. [26] Allowing for the fact that the original is indeed Siculo-Greek, it is not surprising that the text has been preserved in Slavonic since there are traces, although scarce, of a Slavic or more generally Balkan presence in Sicily between the seventh and ninth centuries. [27] However, the typikon of Pantelleria does not seem to be the only Siculo-Greek text currently known only by its Slavonic translation.
47
A Slavonic drafting of the so-called Visio Danielis, for which a dating ante 1078–1081 has been proposed, [28] may be derived, according to Paul J. Alexander, from a Greek original drafted in Sicily between 827 and 829. [29]
Cautiously allowing that these texts derive from Siculo-Greek originals, we can formulate some hypotheses with respect to circumstances and methods of drafting. It could have been a translation performed in loco or one following the transfer of the Greek text to the Balkan peninsula. Nevertheless, one could also think of a mediation via an eastern milieu, such as the monasteries on Sinai or in Jerusalem, a trajectory which has been invoked in order to explain the existence of liturgical texts unrelated to the Constantinopolitan tradition but contained both in Slavic and Italo-Greek liturgical books.
The author of the typikon of Pantelleria begins by postulating that
“Whoever has rejected [this world] and has entered the monastic state for the sake of [his] salvation cannot be saved unless he observes [the rules] which I intend to write down [here]”. [30]
The text defines in a very succinct way the procedure to follow in church related to the entrance and the singing. About the latter aspect, the obligation for every monk to sit on the place corresponding to his own office is highlighted, and the exclusion from the community is expected for anyone who should disobey more than three times (Chapter 1). [31] The order of dignity must be respected also during communion, the meal and the salutation (Chapter 2). After some dispositions regarding diurnal and nocturnal, winter and summer prayer (Chapters 2–3), it is asserted that any monk who desires salvation and who is physically fit must fast during the day. Exceptions are made for those who are assigned to heavy manual work and the sick (Chapter 4). Some indications follow about the necessity to avoid inappropriate behavior, such as sitting on the bed when entering a brother’s cell, or bringing a brother into one’s own cell to talk to him, or even walking the streets holding hands, hugging, kissing or riding together. Anyone who has the need to talk to a brother must not do so in private, but outside the church, in front of the others (Chapters 5–7). The text then gives detailed prescriptions about singing in church: whoever arrives before the singing begins, “let him enter, recite the prayer, and take his own place” (Chapter 8), whereas anyone who arrives late must be questioned by the superior who can either forgive him or rather decide to give him a punishment. Speaking about the singing in the following chapter (Chapter 9), the typikon establishes among other things the succession of canons and readings:
“Four kathismata and two lections during the winter, two kathismata and one lection during the summer.”
The texts must be respected, without anyone changing any word from the order of the singing, which is the one established by deacon John, whereas he who is used to singing differently must adapt to the brothers (Chapter 10).
48
A punishment is expected for anyone who arrives late for no reason (Chapter 11), whereas it is recommended not to stand too close to one another, and to keep at a distance from the brother’s side while bowing for prayers (Chapter 12).
The behavior of those who arrive early is also specified regarding the entry into the refectory (Chapter 13), whereas the latecomers must be questioned by overseers, who possibly establish a punishment depending on whether it is a fast day or not. Also the overseers must conduct their job carefully (Chapter 15). References to work are included in Chapter 14. Elsewhere it is pointed out that the permission of elders is necessary for going to work (Chapter 16). Another rule prescribes a punishment for those who expose their laundry outside for three days (Chapter 17), and there is also the prohibition of whispering or exchanging written messages unless out of necessity (Chapter 18). It is recommended then to pay due respect to the overseers, and also to honor and love not only the elders but every other brother (Chapter 19). If the cohabitation risks to lead a brother into temptation, then an inquiry must be started, and in case the monk does not prove his obedience, he must be deprived of the monastic habit and banished from the monastery (Chapter 20).
About the rules of the typikon, it has been pointed out that many of them recall very closely, sometimes even literally, the principles of Pachomian monasticism. Among these, the attention to the prevention of homosexual tendencies (Chapters 5–7); punctuality (Chapters 8, 11 and 13); garment care (Chapter 17), but also to the promptness in going to work when the signal is given (Chapter 14) and the prohibition against whispering to each other (Chapter 18), are notable. [32] The focus on the punishments and the sternness of the rules even led to the hypothesis that the institution might in fact have been a monastic prison, but the fact that one of the punishments contemplated is the banishment from the monastery stands against this interpretation. [33] Furthermore, some aspects of this text, such as indications regarding bows (Chapter 3), the negative judgment about possible visits in brothers’ cells (Chapter 5), the questioning of those who are late to the refectory (Chapter 13), the presence of overseers (Chapter 15), restrictions regarding written correspondence (Chapter 18), may be found, more or less similar, in later typika, such as Evergetis, Kecharitomene, Kosmoteira, Phoberos and others. [34] Such similarities can probably be read as the reflection of general principles that were common to all Byzantine monasticism throughout its history. As in other typika, for example the Rule for Athos, [35] but also, as we will see, in the typikon of the Patir at Rossano, it is possible to find dispensations from the general diet for those who carry on heavy work, as discussed in Chapter 4.
Chapter 10 highlights the necessity that those who have other conventions adjust, in the matter of singing, to the local tradition (established by Deacon John). This represents an indication of the presence in the monastery of monks of different origin.
49
On the other hand, the very emphasis set by the typikon on the observance of order, hierarchy, one’s own dignity in the various places where the monastic life takes place, the sternness of the punishments (in many cases banishment from the monastery is expected), the reference to problems related to cohabitation (theft, the refusal of sharing cells or the table) and even the call to conform, as in the singing, to the local tradition, may reflect the difficulties that a numerically relevant community must have met, a community in which any behavior differing from the rule, if tolerated, could threaten the general harmony. In this regard we can recall that in 806 raiders from Muslim Spain captured sixty monks on the Island of Pantelleria, [36] all of them most likely coming from the monastery of St John the Forerunner.
We know nothing, on the other hand, about Deacon John, who may have established the akolouthia in use on the island. I do not think he could be the same John who founded the monastery, because the text would have been referring to him with more deference or in any case in a different way, for example with expressions such as “as established by our holy father John” and similar.
16. Patelarea in Dujčev 1973, 208; Patelaria in Acconcia Longo 1972, 377; Pantelarea in von Falkenhausen 1986, 154; Patellaria in von Falkenhausen 1991.
17. BMFD, 59–60; von Falkenhausen 1986, 152–7. Mercati 1970a, 379, considers that the identification with the Island of Pantelleria is doubtful.
18. Von Falkenhausen 1986, 154.
19. BMFD, 62.
20. Acconcia Longo 1972, 378.
21. Acconcia Longo 1972, 377–8.
22. Von Falkenhausen 1991; BMFD, 60–1 and n. 8 to Introduction.
23. Acconcia Longo 1972, 379–80; von Falkenhausen 1986, 154.
24. von Falkenhausen 1986, 157.
25. Thomson 1985, 222. Thomson 1985, 229, n. 35, argues against the twelfth-century dating proposed by De Meester 1940.
26. The question is not simple. Gianfranco Fiaccadori records three witnesses all dated to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Russian State Library, formerly Theological Academy 54; State Historical Museum, formerly Patriarchal Library, Undol’skij Collection, Syn. 110; Oxford, Bodleian Library 995–92: BMFD, 59.
Francis J. Thomson assigns instead the second manuscript to c. 1280 and records another witness, transmitted from the so-called Moravian Nomocanon, Lenin State Library, Rumyantsev codex 230, dated to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, although he notes that the typikon was not present in the original manuscript: Thomson 1985, 229, n. 35.
27. On this matter see Torre 2013.
28. Thomson 1985, 222.
29. Alexander 1985, 64 and n. 13; cf. Alexander 1973, 7–37.
30. BMFD, 62. Ivan Dujčev’s Italian translation [published both in Dujčev 1971, 3–17, and in Dujčev 1973, 208–12] appears in some points imprecise. Here I refer to Gianfranco Fiaccadori’s English translation published in BMFD, 62–5, which is based on the edition of Mansvetov and is integrated on the basis of the reproductions of the manuscript Bodleian Library (Oxford), 995–92 published in Dujčev 1971, 5–12.
31. Chapter numbers refer to BMFD translation: BMFD, 62–5.
50
32. Von Falkenhausen 1986, 155–6; BMFD, 66.
33. BMFD, 60.
34. Cf. BMFD, 66.
35. BMFD, 1716.
36. BMFD, 60–1, n. 8.
. . .
Bibliography
Primary sources
Acconcia Longo, Augusta. 1972. Analecta Hymnica Graeca e codicibus eruta Italiae Inferioris, vol. X, Canones Iunii. Roma: Istituto di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici, Università di Roma.
BMFD. 2000. Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents: A Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments, ed. by John Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero with the Assistance of Giles Constable, 5 vols. Dumbarton Oaks Studies 35. Dumbarton Oaks: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection.
Secondary literature
Alexander, Paul J. 1973. ‘Les débuts des conquêtes arabes en Sicilie et la tradition apocalyptique byzantino-slave.’ Bollettino del Centro di Studi Filologici e Linguistici Siciliani 12: 7–37.
Alexander, Paul J. 1985. The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition. Berkley – Los Angeles – London: University of California Press.
Dujčev, Ivan . “Il Tipico del monastero di S. Giovanni nell’isola di Pantelleria,” Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata, n.s., 25 (1971), 3–17, with untranscribed facsimile of the Bodleian manuscript at 5–12
Dujčev, Ivan. 1973. ‘Riflessi della religiosità Italo-Greca nel mondo slavo ortodosso.’ In La Chiesa greca in Italia dall’VIII al XVI secolo, Atti del Convegno Storico Interecclesiale (Bari, 30 aprile–4 maggio 1969), 2 vols, I, 181–212. Padova: Antenore.
von Falkenhausen, Vera. 1986. ‘Il monachesimo greco in Sicilia.’ In La Sicilia rupestre nel contesto delle civiltà mediterranee, Atti del Sesto Convegno Internazionale di Studio sulla civiltà rupestre medioevale nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia (Catania – Pantalica – Ispica 7–12 settembre 1981), ed. by Cosimo Damiano Fonseca, 135–74. Galatina: Congedo.
von Falkenhausen, Vera. 1991. ‘Patellaria.’ In The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. by Alexander Kazhdan. New York – Oxford: Oxford University Press.
De Meester, Placide. 1940. ‘Les typiques de fondation (Τυπικὰ Κτητορικά).’ In Atti del V Congresso Internazionale di Studi Bizantini, II = Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici 6: 487–506.
Morini, Enrico. 1991. ‘Gerarchia e κοινωνία: Organizzazione della vita monacale in un inedito τυπικόν paleo-calabrese.’ In Macro e microstrutture economiche nella società bizantina, ed. by Antonio Carile, 1–20. Bologna: Edizioni Lo Scarabeo.
Thomson, Francis J. 1985. ‘Early Slavonic Translations – an Italo-Greek Connection?’ Slavica Gandensia 12: 221–34.
Torre, Cristina. 2013. ‘Gli Slavi nella Calabria bizantina.’ In La Calabria nel Mediterraneo: Flussi di persone, idee e risorse, ed. by Giovanna De Sensi Sestito, 203–21. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino.
6.
Beek Н. G. Kirche und theologische Literatur im Byzantinischen Reich, München, 1959.
(.pdf файл от www.b-ok.cc)
IV. HAUPTTEIL. GESCHICHTE DER THEOLOGISCHEN LITERATUR DER BYZANTINER
5. Die Theologie im Zeitalter der Komnenen und Angeloi
. . .
D. Asketik und Mystik 42
(S. 649):
. . .
Das berühmte Kloster Casole bei Otranto wurde 1098/99 von einem nicht weiter bekannten Abt Joseph gegründet (mutmaßlich); schon er soll eine Διατύπωσις über Speise und Trank abgefaßt haben. Ein eigentliches Typikon machte daraus der Abt Nikolaos (1152-1174). [1]
Ed. J. Cozza-Luzi, Nova Patrum Bibliotheca X 2, Rom 1905, 155-166; Teile auch bei Dmitrievskij 818-823; - Einiges französisch bei E. Jeanselme-L. Oeconomos, Bulletin de la Société d'histoire de la médecine 16 (1922) SA 11 S.
Der hl. Sabas, Erzbischof von Serbien und Begründer der serbischen Autokephalie (1169-1236) kam 1193 auf den Athos und lebte im Kloster Panteleemon und Batopedion. Nach 1197 gründete er in Karyai ein Keilion, für das er eine eigene noch erhaltene Regel erließ. Zusammen mit seinem Vater, dem abgedankten Kral Stephan Nemanja, erneuerte er dann das verfallene Kloster Chilandarion, das zum Mittelpunkt des Serbentums auf dem Athos wurde. [2]
Typikon für das Keilion: Ph. Meyer, Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athosklöster, Leipzig 1894, 184-187 (griech.); V. Corović, Spisi sv. Save, Zbornik der Kgl. AW von Serbien XVII 1, Belgrad 1928, 5-113 (serb. und griech.).
Schließlich sei noch das Typikon für das Kloster des hl. Joannes in Patelaria (Pantelleria) erwähnt, das ebenfalls dem 12. Jahrhundert angehören dürfte.
I. Mansvetov, Cerkovnik ustav, Moskau 1885, 442-443 (mir unzugängl.).