Материали към "Българи и славяни. I. В южна Италия"

(март-април-май-... 2019 г.)

Isernia (надморска височина 508 м.), Boiano (н.в. 508 м.),  Sepino (н.в. 764 м.), Benevento (н.в. 252 м.) на ССИ от Неапол. На ЮИ: Celle di Bulgheria (www.fallingrain.com)	Италия в края на VI век. Имперски владения - в червено, лангобардското княжество на Беневенто - в жълто  (T. Hodgkin: Italy and her invaders, vol. VI)

1. Извори

2. Общо за лангобарди, славяни, българи в Италия

2a. Северна Италия

3. Молиз (Алцек, Castropignano, Riccia, Campobasso, )

4. Славяни, българи в Гаргано, Апулия, Кампания, Абруцо
5. Славомолизкият език

6. Пентаполис
    - Обсъждане как славяни/българи, области Bulgaria са засвидетелствувани точно/само там, където има лангобардско управление (написано от мен)

7. Южна Апулия (друго име?). Св. Никола ди Счиавоне. Градчето Джоя дел Колле (Gioia del Colle) близо до Бари
8. Неапол. Евгениус Вулгарус. Остров Ишчия
9. Нормани в южна Италия (Шчиавоне в Сицилия, Роберт Склаво в Телеси, Полкарино. Макушев, Д'Амико за Неапол)
10. Охридската архиепископия в Италия. Polcarino в края на XVII в.
11. Чиленто и Калабрия. Bulgheria
12. Сицилия (Таормина, Pantellaria, Месина)

    - Обсъждане на поселищната структура (на високи места; св. Архангел Михаил; св. Димитър Солунски в Пентаполис и Калабрия  (написано от мен)

13. Детайлно представяне на славяномолизкия език (написано от мен)

13a. Йосипон. Вилибалд фон Айхщет и исландския пътепис Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan за Пелопонес

14. Цар Симеон и горещите 20-те години на X век в централното Средиземноморие (написано от мен)

145.
15. Етнографски остатъци от българи, славяни в Молиз, Ишчия, Пентаполис, Калабрия

15а. Момини скали. Амазонки
16. Италия и глаголическите (Шевченко) и ранни български кирилски (Чилингиров) паметници
17. Молиз и околности: лангобардска култура, етнография и т.п.

 

1. Извори:

 

- Thomas Hodgkin: The Bulgarians in the duchy of Benevento  (Italy and her invaders, 600-744, vol. VI, 1895)

         Алцеко идва "с цялата армия на графството си". Отказва се от титлата си граф (duke). Заселен във възвишенията на Самниум.

         The Bulgarians ... under their duke Alzeco, ‘with all the army of his duchy,’ came to King Grimwald. ... A spacious region to the north of his capital, which had lain desert until that time, and which included the cities of Bovianum, Sepinum, and Aesernia (situated among the highlands of Samnium) was assigned to them.

 

- Bulgars, Eugenius Vulgarius  (John B. Dillon. Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia, ed. Christopher Kleinhenz, London: Routledge, 2004)

        Eugenius Vulgarius, a Campanian poet and churchman of the late ninth and early tenth century whose culture was both Latin and Greek, may have had such Bulgarian antecedents.

 

- Павел Дякон. История на лангобардите, Красимира Гагова (прев.)  (С., 2011)

    "Кн. I, Гл. 15. ... Когато лангобардите, следвайки пътя си, достигнали заедно със своя крал до някаква река и амазонките им забранили да преминат от другата страна, той [Ламисио] влязъл в битка с най-силната от тях, плувайки в реката, убил я и спечелил слава и похвала. ... След като прекосили реката, ... лангобардите пристигнали на отсрещния бряг и останали там ... През нощта, когато всички безгрижно се отдали на почивка, изведнъж българите се нахвърлили върху тях, мнозина убили, още повече ранили и така вилнели из лагера им, че убили Агелмунд, самия крал, и отвели в плен единствената му дъщеря."

 

    "Кн. II, Гл. 25-26: Албоин пристигнал в Лигурия ... (569 в.) и влязъл в Милано. ... Албоин ... завзел всичко чак до Тоскана, без Рим и Равена и някои други крепости, издигнати по морското крайбрежие. На римляните не достигнали сили, за да успеят да им се противопоставят, защото чумата от времето на Нарзес отнела живота на мнозина в Лигурия и Венеция, а и на следващата година настанал голям глад и опустошил цялата страна. Сигурно е, че именно тогава Албоин довел в Италия много хора от различни народи, завзети от него или пък от други крале. Затова и днес наричаме местоживелищата им с имената гепиди, българи (Vulgares), сармати, панонци, свави, норици или други подобни."

 

    "Кн. V, Гл. 29. По това време херцогът на българите на име Алцеко неизвестно по каква причина изоставил своя народ, навлязъл мирно в Италия с цялата армия на своето херцогство и пристигнал при крал Гримоалд, като му обещал да му служи и да се засели в неговата страна. Той го отпратил при сина си Ромуалд в Беневенто, на когото наредил да отстъпи на него и на народа му места за живеене. Херцог Ромуалд ги приел любезно, отредил им просторни площи за живеене, които дотогава били пусти - Сепинум (Сепино), Бовианум (Бояно), Изерния и други градове с техните земи, а на самия Алцеко променил титлата и той бил наречен гасталд вместо херцог. Те (българите) и до днес населяват тези места и въпреки че говорят латински, не са изоставили собствения си език."

 

- Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum  (ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS rerum Langobardicarum, Hannover 1878, 12-187)  (Външна препратка: www.hs-augsburg.de)

 

- Paolo Diacono. Storia dei Longobardi  (Italo Pin (a cura di), Collezione Biblioteca di Storia, 4, Edizioni Studio Tesi, Pordenone, 1990)  (.pdf файл, 40 Мб)

         Допълнително уточнение, че изразът «Quanquam et Latine loquantur» по отношение на Алцековите българи не значел "говорят латински", ами "говорят на местния език".

        Стр. 135 (кн. V, гл. 29): ... Questi Bulgari abitano ancor oggi nei luoghi che ho indicato, e, sebbene parlino anche il linguaggio locale [4], tuttavia non hanno perso affatto l’uso délia loro lingua. ...

        Стр. 147: Бележка 4: Il testo dice «Quanquam et Latine loquantur», il che indica, però, “parlar chiaro”, cioè in lingua comune e comprensibile, come osserva giustamente il Muratori.

 

- History of the Langobards by Paul the Deacon  (William Foulke (transl.), Department of History, The University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1909)  (.pdf файл, 10 Мб от www.archive.org)

 

- Так называемая Хроника Фредегара  (Свод древнейших письменных известий о славянах. Том II (VII–IX вв.), Москва, 1995)

    "В тот год (632/32) в царстве аваров, именуемых гуннами, в Паннонии возник сильный раздор, ибо боролись за царскую власть — к кому она должна перейти. Один из аваров, а другой из булгар, собрав множество людей, стали нападать друг на друга. Наконец авары взяли верх над булгарами. Когда булгары были побеждены, то девять тысяч мужчин с женами и детьми, изгнанные из Паннонии, обратились к Дагоберту,...

 

- Geoffrey Malaterra, The Deeds of Count Roger of Calabria and Sicily and of Duke Robert Guiscard his brother  (Translated by G.A. Loud)  (.pdf file от web.archive.org)

- Гоффредо Малатерра, Деяния графа Калабрии и Сицилии Рожера, и герцога Роберта Гвискара, брата его  (Руски превод от odnapl1yazyk.narod.ru)

    Жискар се укрепил в замъка Сан Марко (вероятно: San Marco Argentano, според Cristina Torre, 2013, стр. 210, бележка 49,) и (през 1054 г., Torre, 2013, стр. 210) питал славяни (вероятно местни) откъде може да вземе плячка. Отговорът на "славяните" бил: "през планини и долини":

    M. Capaldo: Un insediamento slavo... (Europa Orientalis, 1983), p. 11: Gaufredus himself gives news of another group of Slavs, located near S. Marco Argentario (between Malvito and Bisignano), therefore not in Sicily but in Calabria

 

    (16) "Роберт Гвискар в то время обитал в Скрибле, храбро нападая на калабров (Calabros). ... Было у Гвискара шестьдесят неких мужей, называвшихся славянами (Sclavos), хорошо знавших Калабрию, дарами и обещаниями еще больших даров столь крепко привязанных к нему, что могли бы сойти и за братьев. Спросил он, известно ли им какое-то подходящее место, где мог бы найти он добычу. Те отвечали, что за горами высокими-превысокими и далее по дороге обрывистой вниз в долинах глубоких-преглубоких (т.е. за горами, за долами! – славяне все-таки) известна им добыча превеликая, но что невозможно ее вынести оттуда, избежав больших испытаний."

    По-късно неговият брат, Рожер I Сицилийски, попаднал на засада на славяни в Сицилия [Malaterra 3.15.]
- Gaufredi Malaterrae De Rebus Gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi cucis fratris eius  (латински оригинал от www.thelatinlibrary.com)
 

( - William of Apulia, The Deeds of Robert Guiscard, Books I-V  (Translated by G.A. Loud)  (.doc file saved from www.leeds.ac.uk/../MedievalHistoryTextCentre/, broken link)

  - Гийом Апулийски, Деянията на Робер Жискар, в руски превод (от odnapl1yazyk.narod.ru)

  - The Bari Annals (X-XI cc.) ( +  The 'Annals of Lupus Protospatharius' (855-1102), 'Anonymous Bari Chronicle')  (Translated by G.A. Loud)

  - The Chronicle of St. Clement, Casauria, by John Berard  (Translated by G.A. Loud) )

        Тези материали са включени тука, тъй като английските преводи на Малатерра, на Г. Апулийски и др., дело на Graham Loud, изчезнаха от интернет, а www.narod.ru-адресите биват блокирани нерядко на Запад.

 

- https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chronicon_rerum_in_regno_Neapolitano_gestarum

 

---

 

2. Общо за лангобарди, славяни, българи в Италия:

 

- Иванъ Александровичъ Бодуэнъ де-Куртенэ: Резья и Резьяне  (Славянскій сборникъ, томъ 3, Петербургъ 1876, с. 223-371)  (.pdf файл, 7.0 Мб)

 

- Владиміръ Ивановичъ Ламанскій:  О Славянахъ въ Малой Азіи, въ Африкѣ и въ Испаніи  (СПб., 1859)

    Вышата, сынъ Остромира, воеводы Новгородскаго
 

    2: Первое письменное свидѣтельство о Славянахъ въ М. Азіи относится къ ... 664 г.

Византійскій лѣтописецъ Ѳеофанъ разсказываетъ, что въ 664 г. вождь Сарацынъ, Абдуррахманъ, сынъ Халедовъ, вступилъ съ большими силами во владѣнія Римскія, провелъ въ нихъ зиму и опустошилъ многія провинціи. При семъ, говоритъ Ѳеофанъ, Славяне (οἰ Σκλαβῖνοι), числомъ до 5,000 человѣкъ, присоединились къ нему, пошли съ нимъ въ Сирію и поселились въ области Апамейской, въ селеніи Скевокоболѣ (ἐν χώμῃ Σκευοκοβόλῳ) [1].

Тотъ же Ѳеофанъ подъ 687 г. разказываетъ, что императоръ Юстиніанъ II, въ походъ свой въ Булгарію и Склавинію, опустошилъ этотъ край вплоть до Солуня, и огромное количество Славянъ [3] вывелъ изъ ихъ отечества и поселилъ въ странѣ или области Опсикій, простиравшейся отъ Абида на востокъ до Никеи, а на югъ до Апамеи.

    <- да се види на карта

    3: Есть возможность довольно приблизительно опредѣлить число Славянъ, переселенныхъ И. ІОстиніаномъ въ М. Азію. Такъ тотъ же Ѳеофанъ говоритъ про него, что изъ переселенныхъ въ Азію Славянъ онъ набралъ людей способныхъ къ войнѣ и образовалъ изъ нихъ отрядъ въ 30,000 человѣкъ, всѣхъ ихъ вооружилъ и назвалъ отрядомъ отборнымъ (λαὸν περιούσιον, ... Славянъ, переселившихся въ М. Азію, въ 687 г., было никакъ не менѣе 80,000 человѣкъ.

Положившись на этотъ Славянскій отрядъ, императоръ объявилъ войну Арабамъ, которые подъ начальствомъ Могамеда въ первой своей схваткѣ были разбиты Греками. Могамедъ дорогимъ посуломъ и богатыми обѣщаніями убѣдилъ Славянскаго военачальника съ 20,000 человѣкъ перейти на свою сторону. Греки были разбиты. Тогда — говорятъ Ѳеофанъ, Кедринъ, Зонара — Юстиніанъ, который едва спасся бѣгствомъ, повелѣлъ истребить всѣхъ оставшихся Славянъ съ женами и дѣтьми, и трупы ихъ покидать въ море у Левкаты, близь Никомидіи.

    <- да се сравни на карта

... въ 949 г., по свидѣтельству Константина Багрянороднаго, въ области Опсикій жили Славяне.

    4: Славяне, въ числѣ 20,000 человѣкъ, измѣнившіе Грекамъ, кажется, участвовали потомъ въ рядахъ Арабовъ при завоеваніи ими Хорасана, восточной части Персіи. Такъ по крайности можно заключать изъ разсказа Ѳеофана и Анастасія подъ 692 г. «Восточная часть Персіи, называемая Хорасанъ, была завоевана Арабами. Тамъ явился нововводитель по имени Сабинъ, который истребилъ многихъ Арабовъ и убилъ самого Кагана». Подъ этимъ-то Каганомъ разумѣется Комбезій, въ своихъ примѣчаніяхъ къ Ѳеофану (р. 614—5), Славянскаго военачальника Небула.

    <- ??

Около 694 г. по случаю нападенія Могамедова на Греческую Имперію, лѣтописцы упоминаютъ о перебѣжчикахъ-Славянахъ, которыхъ онъ принялъ охотно, какъ людей, хорошо знакомыхъ съ мѣстностью.

Вотъ пока всѣ, дошедшія до насъ отъ VІІ в., извѣстія о Славянахъ въ М. Азіи.

    5: Подъ 762 г. разсказываетъ Анастасій [2] о смутахъ Болгарскихъ: убили своихъ вождей, избрали себѣ въ князья какогото Телетца. При семъ множество Славянъ оставило свою родину и искало убѣжища у императора, который и поселилъ ихъ подъ Артаною.

    6: То же самое передаютъ и Ѳеофанъ и Никифоръ [1]. У послѣдняго указано даже число этихъ переселенцевъ. Вотъ его слова: «Славяне, гонимые изъ отечества, переходятъ Евксинь. Числомъ ихъ было, говорятъ, до 208 тысячъ. Они поселились у рѣки, называемой Артана (πρὸς τὸν ποταμὸν, ὅς Ἀρτανας καλοῦταν).

Шафарикъ говоритъ при этомъ : « По нѣкоторымъ извѣстіямъ рѣка эта называется нынѣ Aghwah или Aghweh, а древній городъ Артапе долженъ быть селеніе Artakoi» (§ 30. 6. прим. 136). Цейссъ же видитъ въ ней рѣку Артанъ (Ἀρτάνης, Ἄρτανος), что въ Виѳиніи, на западъ отъ Сангарія [2]. Послѣднее мнѣніе гораздо вѣроятнѣе.

    8: продолжатель Конст. Багр., разсказывая подъ 821 г. о мятежникѣ Михаилѣ, замѣчаетъ, что его производили отъ тѣхъ Славянъ (Σκλαβογὲνων), который многократно переселялись въ Малую Азію (Str. II, 100). Константинъ Порфирородный не разъ жителей области Опсикій называетъ Славизіянами (ibid. 104). Въ 949 г. они помогаютъ Грекамъ противъ Крита (ib. 105); также въ 960 г., когда они участвуютъ вмѣстѣ съ другими земляками своими (изъ Ѳракіи, Македоніи); также и въ 963 г. вмѣстѣ съ Русскими и Ѳракійскими Славянами (ib. 103, 100). Въ 1041 г. обитатели области Опсикій участвуютъ въ сраженіи Грековъ съ Норманами въ Апуліи. Какъ въ 963 г., такъ и въ 1041 г. подъ именемъ Русскихъ надо разумѣть Славянъ, а не Варяговъ; Греки не повели бы Русскихъ Варяговъ противъ Норманновъ, которыхъ именно называли Варягами (Guarangi. Luca Protosp.).

    9: Михаилъ Палеологъ, по вступленіи въ Царьградъ (1261 г.), вторично вѣнчалъ себя на царство, а законнаго государя, тогда осьмилѣтняго ребенка, онъ не взялъ съ собою въ Константинополь. Твердо рѣшившись удалить его отъ престола, Михаилъ не давалъ ему никакого воспитанія, удалялъ отъ него его сестеръ, наконецъ приказалъ лишить его зрѣнія. Преступное приказаніе это было исполнено въ день Рождества Христова. Несчастный ребенокъ былъ отвезенъ подъ стражею въ замокъ Дакивизы. Въ Имперіи пробудилось всеобщее негодованіе.

    10: ... На Михаила Палеолога было произнесено отлученіе [1]. Негодованье и ропотъ слышны были всюду даже и при дворѣ, но доносы, преслѣдованія и казни сильно подѣйствовали на малодушныхъ.

Славянскіе поселенцы въ окрестностяхъ Никеи распорядились въ этомъ случаѣ по своему и выставили самозванца.

    <- да се провери!

... Императоръ поспѣшилъ отправить къ нимъ сильное войско. Гористая мѣстность, покрытая густымъ лѣсомъ, постоянно доставляла мятежникамъ поверхность надъ силами Императора. Отличные стрѣлки, необыкновенно ловкіе во всѣхъ движеніяхъ, они рано истомили непріятеля. Война приняла совершенно народный характеръ; запрятавъ женщинъ и дѣтей въ глушь лѣсовъ, всѣ вооружились, кто дубиною, у кого не было меча.
... отъ совершеннаго ихъ разоренія удержалось правительство не изъ состраданія, а изъ разечета, такъ какъ горцы же [1], охраняли восточные предѣлы государства отъ набѣговъ Турокъ.

Въ другомъ мѣстѣ, въ началѣ своей Исторіи, приступая къ правленію Михаила Палеолога, Пахимеръ такъ описываетъ намъ эти пограничныя поселенія, бывшія для Восточной Имперіи тѣмъ же, чѣмъ такъ называемая Военная граница для Австріи (Militair Granze). Эта Греческая Украйна населена была людьми воинственными и трудолюбивыми, бывшими въ одно время и землепашцами и воинами.

    13: Въ XII в. Іоаннъ Комнинъ поселилъ въ 1122 г. множество Сербовъ въ области Никомидійской. Въ XIII в. въ этихъ краяхъ, какъ извѣстно, были поселенія Сербскія [3].

    37: При устьи одного изъ рукавовъ р. Галиса или нынѣшняго Кизиль-Ирмакъ находится гористая мѣстность, называемая Загора или Загорье, и другая мѣстность Конопля (?) [2] — названія Славянскія, указывающія на бытность въ этихъ мѣстахъ Славянскихъ поселеній. «Еще далѣе на востокъ, — говоритъ Шафарикъ, — если вѣрить въ этомъ случаѣ одному Греческому духовному, видѣвшему то собственными глазами, находятся на томъ же Евксиискомъ поморьѣ, въ окрестностяхъ гор. Трапезунта, нѣсколько селеній, обитаемыхъ Славянами».

    [2] = Rottiers Itinéraire de Tiflis à Constantinople. 1829. l. I. A l’embouchure d’une des branches du Kisil Irmak, on aperçoit les ruines de Zagora et de Konopéa anciennes colonies Slaves (p. 274).

    53: Современникъ Рюрика и Олега, Арабскій писатель Ибнъ-Хордатъ-Бегъ, умершій уже старикомъ въ 912 г. и служившій почтмейстеромъ и полиціймейстеромъ въ Джебалѣ (древней Мидіи), вотъ что между прочимъ передаетъ намъ въ своей книгѣ о странахъ и дорогахъ:

«Русскіе изъ племени Славянъ вывозятъ мѣха бобровъ и чернобурыхъ лисицъ изъ самыхъ отдаленныхъ краевъ Славянской земли и продаютъ ихъ на берегахъ Румскаго моря: тутъ царь Румскій беретъ съ нихъ десятину. Когда имъ вздумается, они отправляются на Славянскую рѣку и пріѣзжаютъ въ заливъ города Хозаръ: тутъ даютъ они десятину владѣтелю этой земли [1].

    73: Богатство и обработанность языка памятниковъ Славянскихъ IX в., дошедшихъ до насъ въ спискахъ XI в., позволяютъ кажется предположить періодъ болѣе или менѣе слабыхъ попытокъ, не оставшихся однако безъ послѣдствій и приготовившихъ цвѣтущее, по истинѣ изумительное состояніе Славянской прозы IX и X в.

    76-77: Въ этихъ же мѣстахъ жили Славяне и въ IV в. король Черноморскихъ Готѳовъ Эрманарикъ воевалъ съ Венедами, съ своими сосѣдями.

Во II стол. по Р. X., какъ открывается изъ словъ Плинія, жили нѣкоторыя Славянскія вѣтви по Дону. (А Cimmerio ассоlunt Maeotici, Vali, Serbi, Arrechi, Zingi, Psesii. H. N. VI, 7. Cm. Шафарика Слав. Древн. § 9. 2).

    78: «Отъ рѣки Хозарской (Волги) въ верхнемъ ея теченіи отдѣляется одинъ рукавъ (Донъ), впадающій въ узкій заливъ моря, Понта, каковое есть море Русское; такъ какъ ни одинъ народъ, исключая Русскихъ, не плаваетъ въ этомъ морѣ. Это великій народъ, живущій на одномъ изъ береговъ этого моря. Они никогда не имѣли князя, ни признавали никакого положительнаго закона. Многіе изъ нихъ купцы, ведущіе торгъ съ владѣніями Таргизовъ. Русскіе обладаютъ большими серебряными рудниками, которые могутъ быть сравнены съ рудниками въ горахъ Лехджиръ, въ Хорасанѣ. Столица Таргизовъ расположена на берегу Меотійскаго моря. По моему мнѣнію, эта страна принадлежитъ къ седьмому климату. Караваны ихъ ходятъ въ Ховарезмъ, въ Хорасанъ, а изъ Ховарезма ходятъ къ нимъ караваны; но здѣсь живетъ много кочующихъ ордъ Турецкаго происхожденія, (которыя отличаются отъ Таргизовъ), между этими двумя странами, отъ чего дорога для каравановъ не безопасна» [1].

Передавъ нѣсколько подробностей о Таргизахъ, Массуди снова возвращается къ Русскимъ въ слѣдующихъ словахъ: «Русскіе состоятъ изъ многихъ различныхъ народовъ (several different nations) и разныхъ ордъ (distinct hordes); одни изъ нихъ называются аль-Людаиетъ (Спрингеръ ставитъ въ скобкахъ сѣ вопросительнымъ знакомъ Lithuanians?). Они ходятъ по своимъ торговымъ дѣламъ въ Испанію, Римъ, Константинополь и къ «Хозарамъ».

    1. El. Mas’udis Historical Encyclopaedia, entitled «Meadows of gold and Mines of Gems»: translated from the Arabic by Aloys Sprenger. London. MDCCCXLI, Vol. I, 412—413.

    79: И такъ, Руссы Массудіевскіе — не Норманны, а Славяне; точно такіе же Славяне, какъ и Руссы Ибнъ-Хордагь-Бега († 912), Истахри —,

    123: Въ Слав. перев. Манассіи, при описаніи царств. Анастасія читаемъ:

«При Анастасіи пр̃и начѧшѫ Блъгаре поемати земѧ сїѫ, прѣшедше ȣ Бъдынѣ и прежде начѧш поематї долнаѫ земѧ Охридскаѫ и потомъ сиѧ земѧ въсѧ».

Анастасій же царствовалъ съ 491 до 518 г. См. «О переводѣ Манассіиной Лѣтописи на Словенскій языкъ, по двумъ спискамъ: Ватик. и Патр. б-ки съ очеркомъ исторіи Болгаръ». М. 1842. С. 39.

    126: Нѣкоторые, рисуя себѣ Славянъ совершенно невоинственными, народомъ, легко гнувшимъ шею и равнодушшнымъ къ рабству, и безмѣрно возвышая доблести Варяговъ, полагали даже возможнымъ найти подтвержденіе своихъ словъ въ мнѣніи Шафарика о характерѣ древнихъ Славянъ.

Желая какъ бы отличить Славянъ отъ Норманновъ, они называли первыхъ Naturvolk’омъ. Вѣроятно это значитъ то же, «что народъ, живущій въ простотѣ родоваго быта».

    138: Несторъ говоритъ:

«Отъ сихъ же 70 и 2 языку бысть языкъ Словѣнескъ отъ племени Афетова, Норци, еже суть Словѣне. — По мнозѣхъ же времянѣхъ сѣли суть Словѣни по Дунаеви, гдѣ есть нынѣ Угорьска земля и Болгарьска. Отъ тѣхъ Словѣнъ разидошася по землѣ и прозвашаея имены своими, гдѣ сѣдше на которомъ мѣстѣ: яко пришедше сѣдоша на рѣцѣ имянемъ Морава и прозвашася Морава».

    139: По Бугу, Днѣстру и Днѣпру жили Дулѣбы, Угличи [3] и Тиверци (яже суть Толковины), безъ сомнѣнья задолго до IX в. : они были многочисленны, имѣли города. Поселенія ихъ простирались до моря.

    3. Угличи, какъ остроумно замѣтилъ Надеждинъ, были, конечно, жители Угла, Буджака. «О мѣстоположеніи древняго города Пересѣчена» (въ Зап. Одесск. Общ. Ист. и Древн.).

 

<- https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%A3%D0%BB%D0%B8%D1%87%D0%B8
В разных летописях их имя читается по-разному — уличи, улучи, угличи, улутичи, лютичи, лучане [2]. Ещё Н. М. Карамзин высказал мнение, что летописные уличи на Днестре и знаменитое полабское племя велетов-вильцев, названное в «Повести временных лет» лутичами, представляли собой две части одного и того же народа [3].

 

<- https://www.academia.edu/34635478/Kazanski_M_Zuckerman_C_%D0%A3%D0%BB%D0%B8%D1%87%D0%B8_Palaeoslavica_XXV_2017_p_1_37

стр. 3: "уГличи" - в Новгородской первой летописи младшего извода (НIЛ мл.)
стр. 4-5: В самом деле, в рамках нарратива ПВЛ ни один князь не покоряет уличей.

    140: видѣли что этихъ Руссовъ считаетъ Массуди однокровными со Славянами и Булгарами (т. е. Дунайскими), Славянами не только аль-Истахри, но и Ибнъ-Хордатъ-Бегъ, современникъ Рюрика и Олега,

    141-2: современникъ же Рюрика и Олега, Ибнъ-Хордатъ-Бегъ прямо выражается: «Руссы изъ племени Славянъ». Массуди въ одномъ мѣстѣ замѣчаетъ, что Руссы вмѣстѣ съ Булгарами (конечно Дунайскими) и Славянами происходятъ отъ одного родоначальника.

    186: въ древней Британніи, именно въ области Венетовъ, находились, какъ открывается изъ Путев. имп. Антонина (II или IV в.), слѣдующія мѣстности съ названіями, вполнѣ обличающими Славянское происхожденіе: Delgovitia (= Delgnitia), Sorbioduni (вм. Sorbiodunum) [1]. Такимъ образомъ и съ этой стороны находитъ себѣ подтвержденіе само по себѣ вѣроятное ///предположеніе о Славянскомъ происхожденіи Венетовъ Адріатическихъ [2].///

    2. Любопытно, что этого мнѣнія держались еще въ старину не только Славяне, но и сами, кажется, Венеціанцы. Такъ въ предисловіи къ изданію Длугоша (1615 г.), посвященномъ Венец. дожу: «Principem Historiae Slavicae Dlugossurn vobis, о qua sol habitabiles illustrat terras, maximi et liberrimi omnium aetatum orbis terrarum, Veneti adfero et quod ejusdem Venetae gentis et generis pars magna estis; nam majores vestri ex Paphlagonia ad Timavum illyricum amnem nostro Slavico sanguini permixti unam ex duabus gentibus fecere, et quod maximum et liberrimum historicorum non nisi apud maximos et liberrimos lucem aspicere debeat,.. etc.

    188: Также нельзя, кажется, не поднять снова вопроса о томъ, въ какой именно степени заслуживаетъ вѣроятія странное и довольно загадочное извѣстіе Прусскаго лѣтописца Луки Давида, или лучше епископа Христіана, который заимствовалъ его изъ какихъ-то Римскихъ записокъ, сообщенныхъ ему Ярославомъ, Плоцкимъ пробстомъ въ Мазовіи, извѣстіе о путешествіи въ царствованіе Августа Виѳинскихъ астрологовъ въ область Венедовъ и Аланъ въ Ливоніи.. Они были уроженцами города Салуры въ Виѳиніи (гдѣ находились города Κίος съ жителями Κιανοί, Λίβυσσα, и гдѣ, по свидѣтельству краткаго Житія св. Климента, давно когда-то жили Славяне).

    189: Отсюда переправившись черезъ море, они пристали къ пустынному краю, не имѣющему постояннаго названія, потому что онъ назывался то Саргатіей, то Гелидой, то Ватиной. Странствуя тамъ и сямъ по этой землѣ, они не могли говорить ни съ однимъ человѣкомъ, пока не пришло къ нимъ изъ Сарматіи нѣсколько Вендовъ, языкъ коихъ, хотя съ трудомъ, однако все же немного понимали» [1].

    [1.] = Ни Шафарикъ (Древн. § 8. 12), ни Фойгтъ (Gesch. Preussens. I, 33. 623—624) не отвергали голословно всего этого сказанія. Напротивъ того, первый, сознавая вполнѣ всю его загадочность, замѣтилъ даже: «безразсудно бы было вовсе отвергать это сказаніе, какъ обыкновенную басню».

    198: Существуетъ слѣдующее извѣстіе Ибнъ-Хаукала о Славянахъ въ Сициліи, именно при описаніи гор. Палермо —

«Située sur les bords de la mer du côté du nord, Palerme se divise en cinq quartiers, très distincts entre eux, quoique peu éloignés l’un de l’autre. Le premier est la cité principale, proprement dite Palerme, entourée d’une muraille de pierre très élevée et formidable. Ce quartier est le séjour des marchands.... L’autre cité nommée Khalessah a aussi sa muraille bâtie en pierre, mais différente de la première. La Khalessah est le séjour du Sultan et de sa suite, on n’y voit ni marchés, ni magazins de marchandises, mais des bains, une mosquée du Vendredi de grandeur moyenne, la prison du Sultan, l’arsénal et la bureau des administrations. Cette cité a quatre portes du côté du midi, et du côté de l’est, du nord et de l’ouest, la mer et une muraille sans portes.

Le quartier appelé Sacalibah est plus peuplé et plus considérable que les deux cités dont je fais mention. Ici est le port maritime. Des ruissea x coulent entre ce quartier et la cité principale, et les eaux servent de division entre l’un et l’autre.

Le quartier de la mosquée, qui prend son nom de la mosquée dite d’Ibn Saclab, est considérable aussi. Les cours d’eau y manquent tout à fait, et les habitants boivent d’eau des puits»...

и нѣсколько ниже:

«Le quartier Sacalibah n’est eutouré d’aucune muraille». «Les plus grands marchés, tels que celui de tous les vendeurs d’huile, se trouvent entre la mosquée d’Ibn Saclab et le quartier El. Jadid».

    197: (См. Journ. Asiat. 1845. Janvier. — Description de Palerme à la moitié du X siècle de l’ère vulgaire, par Ebn. Haucal, traduite par Michel Amari. p. 92—93).

Изъ этого свидѣтельства несомнѣнно открывается, что въ X в. Славянъ въ Палермо жило не малое количество, ибо по остроумному и основательному расчету Амари въ то время городъ этотъ былъ вдвое населеннѣе, чѣмъ въ настоящее время, т. е. въ немъ было около 300 тыс. жителей, а Славяне (по Арабски — Славянинъ Саклаби и во множ. Сакалиба) занимали цѣлый кварталъ, который и носилъ потому названіе Славянскаго. Славянскій кварталъ, въ Палермо былъ самый населенный и самый значительный; жили по всей вѣроятности Славяне и въ другомъ кварталѣ, носившемъ свое названіе отъ мечети Сына Славянина — Ибн-Саклабъ. Онъ тоже былъ довольно значителенъ. Амари говоритъ въ одномъ изъ своихъ примѣчаній:

«Названіе Сакалиба, данное одному изъ главныхъ кварталовъ города, доказываетъ, что онъ былъ населенъ большимъ количествомъ Славянъ (des Esclavons). Мы знаемъ, что Славянинъ Масудъ прибылъ изъ Африки въ Сицилію въ 312 г. (924 и 925 до P. X.), и овладѣлъ замкомъ св. Агаѳіи, а черезъ четыре года спустя, Сареб-аль-Саклаби (l’EscIavon) привелъ въ Африку, а оттуда въ Сицилію тридцать кораблей славянскихъ корсаровъ (trente vaisseaux de corsaires esclavons). Эмиръ Сицилійскій Салем-эбн-Ассадъ или эбн-Рашидъ, присоединивъ ихъ къ своему флоту, грабилъ и разорялъ въ продолженіи нѣсколькихъ лѣтъ Калабрію, Сардинію и Геную. Послѣ каждаго похода онъ входилъ въ Палермо; союзники его вѣроятно и поселились наконецъ въ этомъ городѣ, близь гавани [1]».

Предположенія Амари не отвергаемъ вовсе, однако и не можемъ принимать его безусловно, такъ какъ въ Палермо могли жить и другіе Славяне. Дегинь, еще въ 1791 г. сообщилъ весьма любопытное замѣчаніе, которое, сколько мнѣ извѣстно,

    198: еще не было окончательно подтверждено изданіемъ подлинныхъ свидѣтельствъ. Вотъ слова Дегиня:

«par nos lectures de quelques manuscrits Africains nous avons été convaincus qu’il y avait en Afrique des villages habités par des Esclavons ou Seclab (Сиклабъ тоже множ. ч. отъ Саклаби, какъ и Сакалиба) ce qui est assez singulier. Il parait que ces Seclab faisaient des courses en Sicile jusqua l’an 951. Nous apprenons par celte même Chronique qu’un autre Seklab passe d’Afrique en Sicile avec une armée nombreuse de terre et de mer et des chameaux [1]».

    ПРЕВОД:
    "by our readings of some African manuscripts we were convinced that there were in Africa villages inhabited by Slavs or Seclab (Сиклабъ тоже множ. ч. отъ Саклаби, какъ и Сакалиба) which is quite strange. It seems that these Seclabs were racing in Sicily until the year 951. We learn from this same Chronicle that another Seklab passes from Africa to Sicily with a large army of land and sea and camels"

Un autre Seklab — подъ Первымъ Дегинь разумѣетъ Славянина Массуда, 924 г.

1. Le Journal des savants. MDCCLXXXXI. Рецензія Дегиня на изд. Rerum Arabicarum quae ad historiam spectant ampia Collectio opera et studio Rosarii Gregorio Eccl. Panorm. Canonici et Regii juris publici Siculi professons etc. Panormi. MDCCXC. 1 vol. in-fol.
<- (стр. 443-447, Extrait de M. de Guignes)

При разборѣ этого изданія и изложеніи содержанія этого замѣчательнаго собранія Арабскихъ источниковъ, Дегинь между прочимъ останавливается на слѣдующемъ памятникѣ: Chronicon Siciliae, déjà imprimé d’après un manuscrit de la bibliothèque de Cambridge par Carusius, en Arabe et en Latin. Mais dans cette nouvelle édition on a revu et corrigé le texte. Далѣе продолжаетъ Дегинь объ этомъ же памятникѣ:

«On ignore quel est le nom de l’auteur de la Chronique de Sicile appellée Chronique de Cambridge. Cave et quelques autres ont cru que cette Chronique était l’ouvrage d’Eutychius, patriarche d’Alexandrie dont nous avons des Annales. Eutychius est mort l’an 950 de I. G. M. Gregorio pens que l’auteur de cette Chronique était un Mahométan né en Sicilie: en effet cet écrivain parait avoir parfaitement connu cette isle par la manière dont il on parle, de plus en comptant les années il se conforme à l’usage des Siciliens et non pas à celui de l’église d’Alexandrie».

ПРЕВОД:
“The name of the author of the Chronicle of Sicily known as the Chronicle of Cambridge is unknown. Cave and a few others believed this Chronicle to be the work of Eutychius, Patriarch of Alexandria of whom we have Records. Eutychius died in the year 950 from IGM Gregorio thought that the author of this Chronicle was a Mohammedan born in Sicily: indeed this writer seems to have known this island perfectly by the way he is spoken, moreover by counting the years he conforms to the usage of the Sicilians and not to that of the Church of Alexandria ”.
 

<- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chronicle_of_Cambridge
The Chronicle of Cambridge or Cambridge Chronicle, also known as the Tarʾīkh Jazīrat Ṣiqilliya ("History of the Island of Sicily"), is a short, anonymous medieval chronicle covering the years 827–965. It is the earliest native Sicilian chronicle of the emirate of Sicily,[1] and was written from the perspective of a Sicilian Christian of the 10th or 11th century.[2] It survives in two versions: a Greek version in two manuscripts and an Arabic version in one. For years only the Arabic text kept in Cambridge University Library was known, but in 1890 a Greek redaction was discovered. The Greek texts are found in the Vatican Library and the Bibliothèque nationale de France (Codex Parisinus Graecus 920).[3][4] It has been translated into English,[3] Italian[5] and French.[6]

Editions:
- In Biblioteca arabo-sicula, 2nd revised edition, U. Rizzitano, A. Borruso, M. Cassarino and A. De Simone (eds.), 2 vols and appendix, Palermo 1982. vol. 1, pp. 277–93.
- In Biblioteca arabo-sicula, 2nd revised edition, M. Amari and U. Rizzitano (eds.), 2 vols, Palermo 1987–88. vol. 1, pp. 190–203.

Notes
1. Nef, Annliese (2013). "Islamic Palermo and the Dār al-Islām: Politics, Society and the Economy (from the mid-9th Century to the mid-11th Century)". A Companion to Medieval Palermo: The History of a Mediterranean City from 600 to 1500. Brill. pp. 39–60.
2. Metcalfe, Alexander (2013). Muslims and Christians in Norman Sicily: Arabic-Speakers and the End of Islam. Routledge. p. 9.
3. Metcalfe, Alexander. "The Cambridge Chronicle" (PDF). Medieval Sicily. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 June 2018. Retrieved 10 March 2015.
4. Alexander, Paul Julius (1985). The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition. University of California Press. p. 85.
5. Cozza-Luzi, Giuseppe, ed. (1890). "La cronaca siculo-saracena di Cambridge con doppio testo greco scoperto in codici contemporanei delle Bibliotheca Vaticana e Parigina". Documenti per Servire alla Storia di Sicilia, Pubblicati e Cura della Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria. Palermo (4th ser., vol. 2).
6. Vasiliev, A. A. (1935). "Chronique anonyme de Cambridge". Byzance et les Arabes. 1. Brussels. pp. 342–46.

 

Лѣтопись начинается съ 827 г. и продолжается до 968 г., по P. X.

«A l’an 924 l’auteur Arabe dit qu’un personnage nommé Saklabi vint d’Afrique et s’empara en Sicile de la forteresse de S-te Agathe. Ce nom, comme le remarque Mr. Gregorio, a été pris par Carusius pour un nom de charge, mais il observe qu’il désigne ici un nom de nation c. à d. un Esclavon; pour confirmer cette assertion de l’editeur, nous croyons devoir ajouter ici que par nos lectures de quelques manuscrits Africains и пр.

ПРЕВОД:
“In the year 924 the Arab author said that a person named Saklabi came from Africa and captured the fortress of S-te Agathe in Sicily. This name, as Mr. Gregorio remarks, was taken by Carusius for a name of office, but he observes that he designates here a name of nation c. to d. a Slavon; to confirm this assertion of the editor, we believe it necessary to add here that by our readings of some African manuscripts и пр.

См. выше въ текстѣ нашемъ.

    199: Одна изъ знаменитостей ученой Франціи, недавно кончившій свою жизнь, Катрмеръ въ своемъ жизнеописаніи халифа Фатимидскаго Моэз-лидин-Аллаха (952—972 г.), сообщилъ между прочимъ слѣдующее любопытное извѣстіе:

«Объ этомъ государѣ разсказываютъ одинъ замѣчательный случай, который даетъ достаточное понятіе объ энергіи его характера. Два Славянина (Esclavons) Каисаръ и Модаферъ пользовались величайшими милостями Халифа Мансура. Модаферъ, основываясь на томъ, что Моэзъ въ дѣтствѣ учился у него письму (les principes de l’écriture), обращался съ этимъ государемъ весьма надменно. Однажды, въ минуту гнѣва, онъ произнесъ одно Славянское слово (un mot esclavon), которое, какъ показалось Моэзу, имѣло ругательное значеніе; но считая неприличнымъ прибѣгать къ вопросамъ о подобныхъ вещахъ, онъ обратился къ изученію языковъ. Онъ сталъ основательно изучать языкъ Берберскій, потомъ Греческій, Негритянскій и пріобрѣлъ одинаковый навыкъ и въ томъ и въ другомъ; тогда онъ занялся языкомъ Славянскимъ

    202: Когда Славяне возстали противъ Грековъ и осадили Патры въ 802—811 г., то при осадѣ имъ помогали Афры и Сарацыны. — Очевидно, что Славяне, переходившіе къ Арабамъ и не терявшіе своей народности, а съ нею и своихъ сношеній съ своими соплеменниками, были виновниками этого союза. Такъ какъ, сколько мнѣ извѣстно, безъ флота Афрамъ и Сарацынамь проникнуть въ Морею было невозможно, то и слѣдуетъ предполагать, что во флотѣ Африкано-Арабскомъ еще въ началѣ IX в. служили Славяне.

Въ Палермо по свидѣтельству Ибн-Хаукала (X в.). изъ пяти кварталовъ два населены были Славянами. Одинъ изъ нихъ, кварталъ Славянскій, былъ почти самый населенный и самый значительный. Здѣсь былъ морской портъ. Очевидно, что Славяне въ Палермо были моряки.

    203: Въ 928-9 г. Сареб-аль-Саклаби (Славянинъ — не Сербъ ли?) привелъ въ Африку, и оттуда въ Сицилію 30 судовъ Славянскихъ корсаровъ. Эмиръ Сицилійскій, Салем-эбн-Ассадъ или эбн-Рашидь, присоединилъ ихъ къ своему флоту, въ которомъ тоже могли быть Славяне и съ ними раззорялъ и грабилъ въ продолженіи нѣсколькихъ лѣтъ Калабрію, Сардинію и Геную.

... Есть извѣстіе, что при родоначальникѣ Омаядовъ Испанскихъ, Абдуррахманѣ († 788 г.) въ 777 г. Бен-Габиб-аль Саклаби (т. е. Славянинъ) прибылъ изъ Африки въ Испанію, чтобы снова подчинить халифамъ это королевство. Селимъ, правитель Барселоны, вышелъ къ нему на встрѣчу и не далъ ему времени укрѣпиться. Между тѣмъ Абдуррахманѣ, чтобы отнять отъ него всякую надежду на спасеніе, сжегъ его флотъ, который онъ привелъ съ собою. Саклаби въ отчаяніи ушелъ въ горы, гдѣ и погибъ [1]. И такъ Славянинъ начальствуетъ флотомъ Африкано-Арабскимъ въ VIII в.; весьма вѣроятно, что подъ начальствомъ Славянина Габиба состояло не малое количество Сланъ.

    [1.] = Cardonne: Histoire de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne sous la domination des Arabes. Paris. MDCCAXV. I. p. 204—205. Кардонъ пишетъ Ben-Habib el-Saklèbi. Conde: Historia de la dominacion de los Arabes en España. Paris. 1840. p. 95—96. «Al principio del ano 151 (768), — говоритъ Конде, — aportaron cerca de Tortosa diez barcos con el candillo Abdala Ben Habib el Sekelebi etc.

    206: Извѣстно, что въ Греческихъ войскахъ въ Италіи (въ 537, 540, 547 г.) служили Славяне; кто станетъ утверждать, что Славяне не могли участвовать въ войскѣ Велисарія въ его Африканскомъ походѣ?

Славяне Адріатическіе, по всей вѣроятности Хорваты, со множествомъ судовъ предпринимали походъ на Апулію въ 662 г. [1], слѣдовательно еще въ половинѣ VII в. могли Славяне посѣщать и Сицилію и Африку.

    [1.] = Paul. Diac. De gestis Longobardorum. l. IV. c. XLVI. Qui Ajo cum anno et mensibus quinque (662) Beneventanum ducatum regeret, venientes Sclavi cum multitudine navium longe a civitate Seponto castra posuerunt.

    208: Въ 868 г., по свидѣтельству Константина Багрянороднаго, суда Дубровницкія перевозятъ въ Апулію довольно значительныя силы. Въ 990 г. въ Адріатическомъ морѣ отняли отъ Дубровничанъ Венеціане одно судно съ кладью пѣною въ 25 тысячь дукатовъ, а въ 997 г. другое судно съ серебромъ и воскомъ въ 12 тысячь цеккиновъ.

Въ XI в. Норманны овладѣли Сициліею, Калабріею и Аиуліею и пользовались немалымъ значеніемъ. Дубровникъ заключилъ съ ними договоръ, согласно которому въ 1080 г. двѣ большія Дубровницкія галеры помогали Гвискарду, который одержалъ побѣду при Дураццо надъ Алексѣемъ Комниномъ и Венеціанскимъ дожемъ.

Въ ХII в. Дубровникъ заключаетъ торговые договоры съ Мольфеттою въ 1148 г., съ Пизою въ 1169 г.; при Мануилѣ Комнинѣ подтверждены были Дубровничанамъ старыя привиллегіи,

    209: и даже, благодаря этого императора, они вступили въ союзъ Генуэзцевъ, Пизанцевъ и Анконцевъ противъ Венеціи и Вильгельма, короля Сицилійскаго. Получивъ отъ этого же императора право гражданства въ Цареградѣ, вмѣстѣ съ самыми выгодными преимуществами, купцы Дубровницкіе при Комнинахъ, Ласкаряхъ и Кантакузииѣ завели свою торговлю по всей древней Ѳракіи и до самой М. Азіи.

... Въ 1283—1287 г. Дубровникъ заключилъ съ замѣчательнѣйшими городами Сициліи, какъ напр. съ Сиракузою, Мессиною, Барлеттою, торговые договоры, по которымъ были обезпечены взаимныя права гражданства. Послѣ разныхъ несчастій, какъ то голода, пожара, поразившихъ Дубровникъ ок. 1289 г., множество Дубровничанъ хотѣло покинуть свою родину и бѣжать въ Сицйлію, Калабрію и Апулію.

    211: 1. Appendini: Notizie istorico-critiche... II. Cap. IX. Commercio marittimo de’Ragusei.
...

Замѣчу разъ на всегда, что всѣ приводимыя мною извѣстія о Дубровникѣ заимствованы изъ сочиненія Аппендини, труда стараго, но не устарѣлаго и понынѣ неимѣющаго себѣ равнаго, что очень жалко, такъ какъ судьбы Дубровника имѣютъ высокій интересъ для насъ Славянъ особенно.

    212: Дубровникъ былъ открытымъ убѣжищемъ для выходцевъ всѣхъ сосѣднихъ странъ:
«mulli ex proximis regionibus Illyrico, Macedonia, Epyro, Graecia, Italia, eo habitatum convenere; civitatis magis institutis ac moribus, quam solis felicitate ulla capti». (Lud. Tuber. Comment, de temporib. suis lib. V. № VI).

    pril_3: Въ XI в. Славяне Адріатическіе посѣщали о-въ Корфу. См. Lup. Protosp. 1081 г.

Robertus dux intravit Tricarim mense octobri. Et in mense aprilis Archirici perrexit ad Michalam regem Sclavorum, deditque ejus filio suam filiam uxorem, et Robertus dux cum praefato Michaele imperatore perrexit Idrontum; missisque antea navibus in insula Corfo (Corfu), quae apprehenderunt eam, ubi et ipse post paululum una cum imperatore transfretavit, posueruntque in mense julii ante Durachium obsidionem per mare et per terram; quam stolus Veneticorum veniens dissipa vit, apertumque est mare Durachii. Hoc anno Botaniatim factus est monachus, et Alexius factus est imperator».

    pril_12: самый Цареградъ и прилежащія къ нему мѣстности имѣли издавна поселенія Славянскія. Имена Бѣлградъ и Поле (Polja) ясныя тому доказательства. Монастырь Студійскій въ Цареградѣ, гдѣ жили Русскіе въ XIV в., былъ конечно всегда гостепріимно открытъ не только Русскимъ, посѣщавшимъ столицу, но и Болгарамъ и Сербамъ,

    pril_64: ... намъ извѣстны слова Массуди, который полагалъ, что Руссы вмѣстѣ съ Булгарами (конечно Дунайскими) и Славянами были потомки одного родоначальника [1], не считалъ ихъ иноплеменниками [2], описывалъ ихъ какъ народъ многочисленный, раздѣленный на многія вѣтви, нс признававшій ничьей надъ собою власти.

    [1.] = Sprenger — «El-Masudi’s Meadows of Gold an Mines of Gems. I, 72. «Matushalekh had many children. Some persons say that the Bulgars, the Russians and Slavonians are his descendants».

 

 

- Veselin Beševliev: Die protobulgarische Periode der bulgarischen Geschichte  (Amsterdam, 1980)

 

- Neil Christie, The Lombards: The Ancient Longobards  (Basil Blackwell, Oxford 1995)  (откъс за лангобардската култура, стр. 199-201, 215-219)

 

 

- Fedor Schneider: Die Reichsverwaltung in Toscana von der Gründung des Langobardenreiches bis zum Ausgang der Staufer (568-1268). I. Die Grundlagen  (Vox Loescher & C.°, W. Regenberg, 1914)

 

 

- Wilfried Menghin: Die Langobarden. Archäologie and Geschichte  (Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart, 1985)

 

 

 

 

 

 

- Георги Велев, Прабългари в ранносредновековна Западна Европа (Южна Испания и Южна Франция) / Georgi Velev, Protobúlgaros en Europa Occidental de la temprana Edad Media (España meridional y Francia meridional)  (5th Conference for Young Slavists in Budapest, 147-149, 2017)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

      "Опитите за извеждане на етимологията (на Bulgaricus и Bulgaranus) от латински, от думата bulga, не издържат сериозна научна критика. На латински bulga означава „кожена торба“, освен това самата дума е с галски, а не латински произход. Една подобна хипотеза предполага и наличието в латински език на суфикси „-ricus“ и „-ranus“, каквито обаче не съществуват, за разлика от добре известните на филолозите „-icus“ и „-anus“, които се обособяват, ако приемем Bulgar за общ корен и на двете имена."

 

 

- Инесса Александровна Дворецкая:

    - Павел Варнефрид как историк и этнограф (К вопросу о влиянии позднеримской культуры на мировоззрение писателя)  (Античный мир и археология, Саратов, 1979, вып. 4, с. 31-62)

    34:  «Historia Langobardorum» [10] принадлежит целой серии «Историй», посвященных народам варварского происхождения, написанных в VI—VIII вв. под непосредственным влиянием позднеантичной историографии. Труды Аблавия и Иордана, Исидора Севильского, Григория Турского, Беды, Секунда — исторические повествования о великих подвигах народа в прошлом и не менее значительных деяниях в настоящем должны были показать политическую активность народа-завоевателя и доказать его право быть достойным преемником Римской империи.

... Изучение греческого языка облегчило Павлу Диакону знакомство с византийской литературой [11].

    <- 11. По поводу греческих штудий Павла Диакона писал М. Манициус (Manitius М. Geschichte der Lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters. В. I. München, 1965, s. 258. Anm. 3).

    35: Долгое время Павел служил при дворе лангобардских королей в должности нотария и государственного секретаря, был учителем и наставником Адельперги, дочери Дезидерия, которая впоследствии стала женой беневентского герцога Арихиса [14].

    <- 14. Ф. Дан предполагал, что фриульский род Варнефридов никогда не терял связи с беневентскими правителями, выходцами из Фриуля (Dahn F. Germanische Studien. Sechste Reihe. Berlin, 1884, s. 127).

    37: По мнению большинства ученых, Павел Диакон писал «Историю лангобардов» после падения Лангобардского королевства во время пребывания в монастыре, будучи «ссыльным, беспомощным и беззащитным» [22]. ... Затворничество в монастыре вряд ли было вынужденным. В библиотеке монастыря историк находил нужные рукописи, дополняя полученные сведения личной информацией: он много путешествовал по Италии, в 782 г. предпринял поездку во Франкское государство. Та свобода и точность, с которыми он описывает большие города Северной Италии, Рим, Беневент, позволяют догадываться о тщательной предварительной подготовке к написанию «Истории лангобардов».

    <- 22. Ф. Дан, М. Манициус, Д. Фазоли считают пребывание в монастыре Монте Кассино ссылкой за участие в заговоре фриульской знати против Карла Великого

    39: Не исключено, что окончательная обработка «Истории лангобардов» была сделана в Монте Кассино, об этом говорит и сам автор (Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 26; VI, 41). Итак, время написания этого сочинения охватывает длительный период, и пребывание во Франкской империи имело определенное значение в формировании политической тенденциозности автора.

    41: «антиварварские настроения» Павла Диакона : Те политические деятели из среды варваров, которые рассматривались позднеримской и византийской историографией как разрушители государственного единства империи и пособники, варварских бесчинств, отрицательно охарактеризованы и Павлом Диаконом [34].

    43: Глубокие перемены происходили в области религиозной идеологии. Римская церковь утвердилась во многих варварских государствах, оттесняя арианство, успешно в пользу римской церкви завершилась схизма на Западе [39], тщательно разрабатывались новые каноны и догматы католицизма, оказывавшие существенное воздействие на социально-политическую организацию варварского общества и укрепление раннефеодальной государственности.

... Получив классическое по своему времени образование, Павел Диакон навсегда остался искренним почитателем античной учености [40]. Начитанность его в античной литературе довольно широка. В «Истории лангобардов» он объясняет значение некоторых греческих слов [41], сообщает отдельные факты из истории Египта и Рима [42], дает этимологию географических названий, ссылаясь на древних историографов [43]. В качестве источников называет труды римских историков, анналы Истрии, сочинения Аврелия Виктора,

... Позднеримская литература оказала влияние на отношение Павла Диакона к варварскому миру. Идею нравственной деградации, вызванной изнеженностью представителей римского общества, он положил в основу рассуждений о значении переселений в ранней истории лангобардов [46]. Историк говорит, что лангобарды, ///изнеженные безмятежной жизнью на Эльбе («безмятежность — мать пороков и несет гибель»), где они пребывали в течение длительного периода, были разбиты булгарами (Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 16).///

40. T. Моммзен отметил, что для своей эпохи рияское образование Павла Диакона беспримерно, а в интересе и знании классической литературы он может сравниться только с гуманистами (Mommsen Th. Op. cit., s. 485—487).
41. Pauli Hist. Lang. II, 14, 19, 20. T. Моммзен называл его словарь латинских понятий (извлечение из Феста) шедевром (Mommsen Th. Op. cit., S..487). M. Манициус нашел в нем много
дополнений и уточнений (Manitius М. Op. cit., s. 258). Павел Диакон намеревался продолжить свою работу дальше.
42. Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 15; II, 18, 23.
43. Pauli Hist. Lang. II, 14, 23, 24.

    44: Плиния Старшего [44], цитирует Вергилия (Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 6). Знает Павел Диакон римских авторов, писавших о Германии и отождествлявших старогерманского Вотана с Меркурием (Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 9). Естественнонаучные познания Павла Диакона соответствуют уровню античной науки [45]. Знакомство с греческой мифологией обнаруживается в рассказе о кинокефалах, с помощью которых будто бы лангобарды победили своих врагов (Pauli Hist. Lang. I, 11), в саге о Ламиссио, в которую включен элемент мифа об амазонках (Pauli Hist, Lang. I, 15).
...

    47: Многие события византийской истории Павел Диакон освещал по источникам византийского происхождения [55]. Сведения о паннонском периоде истории лангобардов он черпал главным образом у византийских авторов. В соответствии, с концепцией официальной византийской историографии, представленной Прокопием в «Истории войн с готами», лангобарды паннонского периода — федераты Восточной империи, ее союзники в войне с готами, их приход в Италию — следствие приглашения Нарзеса. Однако интерпретация этих фактов дана Павлом Диаконом с антивизантийских позиций. Приглашение Нарзеса сопровождалось дурным предзнаменованием [56], таким образом, Павел Диакон как бы перекладывает всю ответственность за последствия на византийцев. В «Римской истории» внимание автора сосредоточено на враждебных действиях византийской армии против Рима [57], отмечены происки константинопольской дипломатии против лангобардов в стремлении установить союз с франками [58].

... Трактовка политических событий в «Истории лангобардов» приобретает антивизантийскую направленность. Она проявляется уже при освещении паннонского периода, где Павел Диакон расходится с Прокопием в изложении и оценке взаимоотношений лангобардов с гепидами. Если Прокопий акцентирует внимание на союзе лангобардов с византийским императором (малочисленность лангобардов заставила их обратиться за военной помощью к Юстиниану), то Павел Диакон показывает борьбу с гепидами как кровное дело самих лангобардов.

    48: Характеристика паннонского периода истории лангобардов у Прокопия соответствует официальной трактовке политических событий во время ожесточенной борьбы за Италию со стороны византийской дипломатии. Настаивая на глубоких корнях союза лангобардов с Византией [63], византийская историография расценивала захват ими Италии как узурпацию прав византийского-императора и оправдывала свою активную политику в Италии. Павел Диакон сознательно опускает такие моменты в истории лангобардов, которые противоречат их западной ориентации. Он умолчал о союзе лангобардского короля Ваки с византийским императором [64], о предоставлении им земель в Паннонии для поселения лангобардов [65], о союзе лангобардов с византийцами в борьбе с гепидами [66].

    <- 63. Прокопий старается подчеркнуть духовное единство византийцев и лангобардов, говоря, что уже в Паннонии последние были христианами в противоположность гепидам-арианам (Procopii. De bello Gothico, VII, 34, 24). В сочинении Павла Диакона этот факт не нашел отражения.

    <- 65. Procopii. De bello Gothico, VII, 33, 10; VII, 34, 37. Прокопий определенно показывает, что область расселения лангобардов в Паннонии не совпадала с римскими границами этой провинции, в этом отношении его сведения расходятся с данными лангобардской хроники и Павла Диакона о господстве лангобардов в южной Паннонии при Авдоине. Савия и Сирмиенская Паннония были не византийскими, а остготскими, лангобарды могли вступить туда при Юстиниане, а Сирмий был занят гепидами.

<- 66. Что же касается существа взаимоотношений лангобардов с Византией, то обращает на себя внимание одна небольшая деталь в описании Прокопия: враждующие стороны (лангобарды и гепиды), узнав о приближении византийского войска, тотчас прекратили распри (Procopii. De bello Gothico, VII, 34, 45). Этот штрих заставляет сомневаться в ориентации лангобардов на Византию.

    49: В противовес этому Павел Диакон подчеркивает факты установления дружественных контактов с франками, ориентацию Альбоина на венето-лигурийское духовенство, враждебное Византии.

... Идея франко-лангобардского союза против Византии выдвинута Павлом Диаконом как основное направление лангобардской политики, она не имеет достаточного обоснования фактами политической истории VI в., но хорошо показывает противоположность официально-историографических построений Запада и Востока.

... Эти [профранкские] симпатии приблизили Павла Диакона к восприятию некоторых идей гото-римской историографии [68]. Полученные у Иордана сведения позволили Павлу Диакону исправить лангобардский источник [69].

Родство готской и лангобардской легенды о происхождении народа из Скандинавии обнаруживает более глубокую идеологическую связь, чем простое заимствование.

    <- 69. Origo gentis Langobardorum называл Одоакра вождем аланов. Павел Диакон использовал сведения Иордана о ругах и обстоятельствах победы Одоакра.

    50: Павел Диакон выполнил эту задачу, представив происхождение лангобардов от общегерманского скандинавского корня [70], а королевский род Альбоина связав родством с Амалами, правившими в Италии до лангобардов. Можно предположить, что Павел Диакон, следуя устной традиции в вопросе о происхождении лангобардов, намеренно углубляет древность своего народа и переносит на лангобардов все, что было известно о германских племенах. Вероятно, у Иордана и Павла Диакона был общий источник — германские саги, сведения о Скандинавии как прародине германцев имеются и у Прокопия [71]. Итальянская историография прошлого и настоящего времени связывает вопрос о скандинавском происхождении лангобардов с прямым заимствованием из готской традиции [72].

    <- 70. Л. М. Гартман полагал, что источником версии о скандинавской родине лангобардов и списка 10 дуксов было народное предание. Он отвергал историческую подлинность правления ранних лангобардских рексов, сближая их роль с той, которую традиция Рима отводила Ромулу, а готская — Амалам (Hartmann L. М. Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter, t. I, В. II. Gotha, 1900, s. 4). Достоверность традиции о скандинавском происхождении лангобардов отвергли немецкие историки XIX в. В XX в. большинство ученых относят лангобардов к северо-западной группе Elbgermanen, не отрицая факта миграции их с севера бассейна реки к югу (Maurer F. Nordgermanen und Alemannen. Bern, München, 1952). Э. Шварц (Schwarz E. Germanische Stammeskunde. Heidelberg, 1956) отстаивает концепцию скандинавской прародины лангобардов, привлекая археологический, лингвистический материал и письменные источники. Со скандинавскими названиями он отождествляет имя Winiler (winnan — спорящий, борец, воин), Vinili тоже считает старонордическим именем. Он предлагает искать скандинавскую прародину вблизи Gauten (Швеция).

    51:
<- 74. Примером может служить различная трактовка термина familia. У Иордана это — обоз с имуществом, женами, детьми, стариками, сопровождавший войско (Скржинская Е. Ч. Комментарий к переводу Иордана. — В кн.: Иордан. О происхождении и деяниях готов. М., 1960, с. 195), а у Павла Диакона — синоним обозначения fara.

    52: Павел Диакон широко пользуется народными сказаниями о переселениях племени лангобардов (сага о Гамбаре, о первых герцбгах Айо и Иборе, о короле Ламиссио), о войнах с вандалами, булгарами, гуннами, об этнической консолидации (саги о возникновении названия племени и о походе Альбоина в Италию).

    53: Тщательно подбирает Павел Диакон легенды, относящиеся к возвышению королевского авторитета: сага о Ламиссио, легенда о сватовстве Аутари и свидании с Теоделиндой (III, 30), о топоре короля Аутари, о королевской горе и бизоньей шкуре (II, 8), о королевском оружии и чаше Альбоина (II, 28). Эти легенды в изложении историка служили подтверждением силы и мощи главы королевства, королевского достоинства

... Прокопий, тоже пользовавшийся народными преданиями, определенно сказал, что герулы «...подчинили себе лангобардов и заставили их платить дань...» [81]. Павел Диакон умолчал об этом факте, хотя традиция знала о нем, и Прокопий включил в свое повествование легенду о предзнаменовании, определившем победу в битве.

    54: В саге о чаше Альбоина, сделанной из головы гепидского короля Гунимунда, тоже отразились черты древнего языческого культа [84].

    <- 84. Готы, по словам Иордана, приносили человеческие жертвы своему богу войны и почитали его как родителя (Iordanis Getica, 41).

    56: Языческой саге о Годане, давшем победу над вандалами виннилам, историк придает значение шутливой басни, заключая, что победа не во власти и воле людей, но даруется богом. Языческие представления о том, что победы можно добиться человеческой ловкостью и обращением к покровительству языческих богов, в понимании Павла Диакона достойны смеха (I, 8).

    59: В представлении историка племя лангобардов — древнее и прославленное, но реальная военная сила и преимущества франкского императора сделали его преемником власти лангобардских королей. ... поиски исторических основ сближения лангобардов с франками в паннонский период перерастают в идею христианского единства германских племен, которое возникает и развивается в рамках сначала лангобардской, а затем и франкской государственности [94].

    <- 94. Павел Диакон неоднократно указывал на объединение различных племен в рамках военно-политического союза лангобардов.

 

 

- Sandro Carocci: Giustizia signorile e potere regio nel regno normanno (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 123-137)

Stately justice and royal power in the Norman kingdom

    123: Evelyn Jamison. Singular figure of scholar, dedicated for seventy years to investigating the administration of the Norman kingdom and its nobility [2], in 1913 Jamison, in a pioneering research on the continental regions of the Kingdom (excluding Calabria), had concluded that under Ruggero II, Guglielmo I and Guglielmo II the counts exercised "Rights of criminal jurisdiction (...) comparable to that of the royal justiciars" [3]. In subsequent research, he argued that the position of justiciars "was annexed to the dignity of count" [4].

    -> [3]. E. Jamison, The Norman Administration of Apulia and Capua, more especially under Roger II and William I, 1127-1166, Papers of the British School at Rome 6, 1913, p. 211-481 (later published in volume, with the same title: Aalen 1987), a p. 333-335.

    -> [4]. E. Jamison, The Administration of the County of Molise in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, The English Historical Review 44, 1929, p. 529-559, a p. 544-545, e 45, 1930, p. 1-34 (rist. in Ead., Studies on the History [cit. n. 2 = E. Jamison, Studies on the History of Medieval Sicily and South Italy, Aalen 1992], p. 1-65).

    124: With varying nuances, this position has dominated Southern justice studies for at least two generations. Already in 1910 a position similar to that of Jamison had appeared in Hans Niese's wise monograph on Die Gesetzgebung der normannischen Dynastie [5]. It was later taken up by all the major studies on feudalism and the Norman state. In the clear little volume on Le régime féodal de l'Italie normande , published in 1940 by the great orientalist Claude Cahen, the right to judge the major criminal causes was considered as typical of the counts, and sometimes also held by lesser feudal lords [6] . In Mario Caravaie's treatise, The Norman Kingdom of Sicily, which more than forty years after its publication remains the most systematic investigation of the provincial legal systems of the Norman state, the high justice rights of the accounts are the subject of a long analysis, which in the following decades the same author has re-proposed in fortunate synthesis [7] . An entire chapter is dedicated to The Count's Justice in the book published in 1989 by Errico Cuozzo, the main research on the military system of the southern kingdom [8].
Subsequently, the possession of faculties of high justice by the counts, and in some cases also by other "great gentlemen" [9], was supported on numerous occasions, even in synthesis of great importance, such as that of Donald Matthew [ 10], or in innovative research, such as Igor Mineo's book on Sicilian aristocracies [11].

All these authors, in fact, have overturned an earlier paradigm, which had been dominant for centuries, from the end of the sixteenth century onwards. This ancient interpretation started from the recognition of the strong hold exercised by the Norman kings on the noble nobility and denied the accounts the exercise of full criminal jurisdiction. This was the position first of the sixteenth-seventeenth-century jurists [12],

    -> [5]. H. Niese, [The legislation of the Norman dynasty in the regnum Siciliae] Die Gesetzgebung der normannischen Dynastie im regnum Siciliae, Halle a. S. 1910, p. 171- 172.
    -> [6]. C. Cahen, Le régime féodal de l’Italie normande, Parigi 1940, p. 112-113.
    -> [7]. M. Caratale, [The Norman Kingdom of Sicily] Il Regno normanno di Sicilia, Milano 1966 (Ius nostrum, 10), p. 297-324; Id., Ordinamenti giuridici dell’Europa medievale, Bologna 1994, p. 357-361.
    -> [8]. E. Cuozzo, «Quei maledetti Normanni». Cavalieri e organizzazione militare nel Mezzogiorno normanno, Napoli 1989 (L’Altra Europa, 4).
    -> [9]. D. Matthew, I normanni in Italia, Roma-Bari 1997 (Storia e società Laterza) [ed. orig. Cambridge 1992], p. 204.
    -> [10]. Ad es. Matthew, I normanni (cit. n. 9), p. 166, 204-205, 304-306.
    -> [11]. E. I. Mineo, [Aristocratic families and identities in the late Middle Ages. La Sicilia] Nobiltà di stato. Famiglie e identità aristocratiche nel tardo medioevo. La Sicilia, Roma 2001 (Saggi Donzelli di Storia e scienze sociali), p. 13.
    -> [12]. Ad es. M. Freccia, De Sub-feudis Baronum et Investituris Feudorum, Napoli 1554, p. 209v-210v; G.F. Capobianco, Tractatus de iure et officio baronum erga vassallos, burgenses..., Napoli 1622, p. 69.

    125: of the Napoleonic age hostile to feudal powers [13]. Some even went so far as to argue that all criminal jurisdiction was removed from the noble courts, even for minor offenses [14]. ...

In an implicit way, Jean-Marie Martin therefore proposes to return to an ancient interpretation: ...

At the ideological level, the legislation of Roger II and his successors shows both the work of Justinian (and Byzantine) definitions of sovereignty, relatively new for the time in the West, and the presence of the traditional ecclesiastical vision. Among the elements of (partial) novelty, the absolute superiority of the royal power, its irresponsibility with respect to its subjects, the intangibility of res regales , the very formidable exaltation of sovereign majesty stand out.

    126: These attributes of royal majesty, which already characterized the Assizes of Ariano, met with a further accentuation with William II, connected to the rhetoric of the glory and virtue of the king then developed by the royal chancellery.

    130: Also in this case, the aims of the agreement made any reference to royal power superfluous. At issue were the respective competences of nobles and ecclesiastics, who all had a common interest in ignoring the limits that the royal courts placed on the sphere of exercise (and income) of their own justice [33].

Consequently, studies on the lordly faculties of justice have used exclusively the concessions of judicial rights that kings, counts and other lords bestowed on churches and monasteries. In itself, the use of a single type of document is already a risky procedure. But in this case, even the re-examination of the documents most used by historiography raises many doubts. The perplexities concern both the genuineness of the sources and the interpretation criteria.

    -> [33]. Among the agreements and concessions which, to indicate the respective competences of lay gentlemen and ecclesiastical bodies, establish the principle of the forum rei, I recall the Verginian Diplomatic Code , ed. PM Tropeano, Montevergine 1977- <2000>, n. 533, a. 1171 (between Montevergine and the lord of Montella, count of Acerra;); ibid , no. 569, a. 1174 (between Montevergine and the count of Avellino). Among the pacts and donations that provide for other solutions, you can see: Collectionis bullarum sacrosanctae Basilicae Vaticanae tomus ... auctus, & illustratus , Rome 1747-1752, I, p. XXVI-XXVII, a. 1183 (agreement between S. Salvatore sulla Maiella and Rainaldo de Lecto); AC (cit. N. 31), L, n. 23, a. 1187 (between Cava and the lord of Montorio, Count Ruggero di Tricarico); AC, L, n. 27, a. 1188 (among the same, but for the men of Occiano); L. Mattei Cerasoli, Tramutola, Historical Archive for Calabria and Lucania 13, 1943, p. 32-46 and 91-118, n. 20, a. 1190 (between Cava and the count of Marsico); etc. The only exception, to my knowledge, is the donation of 1193 published in F. Ughelli, Italia sacra , 10 vol., Venice 1717-1722, IX, coll. 344-345, for which see n. 46.

First, there is the problem of forgery. Almost all the most explicit documents concerning the judicial competences of lay and ecclesiastical lords, and for this reason at the basis of the prevailing interpretation, are now considered interpolated, or completely false. False is the grant of full fiscal and jurisdictional immunity granted in 1137 to Montevergine [34] ; false is the similar diploma of William I of 1154 in favor of the abbey of Cava [35] . The passage on the judicial rights of the privilege of Roger II for S. Maria di Brindisi appears interpolated [36]. Heavily suspect is the act by which in 1175 the count of Andria granted the bishop of Monte Verde justice over his employees, but reserved the major crimes to his curia (preter criminalia que mortem inducunt) [37], as of dubious genuineness it is the perpetual cession of foris facturas et iudicis made in 1177 by William II for S. Salvatore of Messina [38]. Certainly false is the privilege of Henry VI, of 1195, for S. Stefano di Monopoli [39].

    <- да се сравни с документите-"Фалшификати" у ...Graham Loud, и с тези, засягащи "славяните".

    -> [34]. See H. Enzensberger, The Norman-Swabian privileges in favor of the Verginian "congregation", in Southern society in the Montevergine parchments: the Normans call the Swabians, Proceedings of the second International Conference (Montevergine, 12-15 October 1987) , Montevergine 1989 (Verginiano Study Center, 2), p. 71-89.
    -> [35]. See the critical note to Guillelmi I. regis diplomata , ed. H. Enzensberger, Cologne-Vienna 1996 (Codex diplomaticus Regni Siciliae. I a Series, Diplomata regum et principum e gente Normannorum, 3), n. 1.
    -> [36]. See the apparatus at Rogerii II. regis diplomata Latina , ed. C. Brühl, Cologne-Vienna 1987 (Codex diplomaticus Regni Siciliae. E Séries, Diplomata regum et principum e gente Normannorum, 2, 1), n. 29.
    -> [37]. Reference to the observations of Martin, La Pouille (cit. N. 1), p. 732.
    -> [38]. CA Garufi, Unpublished Documents of the Norman Era in Sicily , Palermo 1899 (Documents to serve the history of Sicily, I a Series, Diplomatica, 18), p. 168.
    -> [39]. See what noted in D. Clementi, Calendar of the diplomas of the Hohenstaufen Emperor Henry VI concerning the Kingdom of Sicily, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 35, 1955, p. 86-225, n. 88.

    131: These are just some of the many possible examples, chosen from the documents still most cited in studies on southern justice. Advances in textual criticism and diplomatic analysis have deeply affected the documentary complex used for the study of the judicial rights of nobility and churches.

Other threats to the traditional view come from some doubts about the interpretation usually proposed for the donations of judicial faculties made by counts and barons. Two points, in particular, appear problematic. Both betray an underestimation of the impact of royal legislation on the formulation of private documentation.

The first point of perplexity concerns the meaning to be attributed to some explicit stately concessions of rights of plena iustitia. A good example, often cited in the historiography of noble justice, is the donation made in 1148 by Giroldo de Fay and his son, lords of two castles in the county of Civitate (Gebiza [=Jelsi] and Sant'Angelo de Vico).

After renouncing possession of the church of St. Sophia of Gebiza for fear of the consequent detrimentum animarum, the two nobles gave the church and its subordinates, who lived in the nearby farmhouse, a francitiam et libertatem, which guaranteed a series of rights in hunting, in the stalls tax and in the use of woods, waters, mills and fullers. Furthermore - and this is the passage used in the studies on the judicial system - they left to the church, ad plenam iustitiam faciendam , whoever had found refuge there after having committed a crime also punishable by death, except only those who had acted against the king's majesty. ( nisi contra maiestatem gloriosissimi regis egerint) [40]. A similar donation, which assigned the judgment of the fugitives to the church except for those who acted against pacem domini nostra regis, was made in 1159 by the lord of Sepino, in the county of Molise, in favor of the local church of S. Croce [41].

    132: connected to the royal legislation on the right of asylum of churches. The Assizes of Ariano had guaranteed to all the churches to welcome the free who made confugium [43] while royal privileges such as that of 1132 in favor of St. Nicholas of Bari clarify that, in these cases, the judgment could indeed belong to the church itself, with the sole exception (and here note the textual parallelism with the donations of the nobles) of those who had acted against the king .. [44]. In broadening concessions to churches, the lords of Gebiza and Sepino seem to limit themselves to reiterating, on the right of asylum, what was established by the sovereign. There is no evidence that they were renouncing the powers of higher justice in their possession.

    -> [44]. Rogerii II. regis diplomata (cit. n. 36), n. 20, p. 54-56 ( et si aliquis culpatus fugerit ad ecclesiam vel ad curtem Sancti Nicolai, non capiatur, nisi contra dignitatem regis nostra egerit, sed ibi per legem iudicetur, sine mortem vel lesionem sui corporis, etsi si dignus fueritpati ).
    -> [45]. P. De Leo, The papers of the monastery of Saints Niccolò and Cataldo in Lecce (11th-17th centuries) , Lecce 1978 (Monuments of the Salento Study Center, 2), n. 3, a. 1180 (the count endows the monastery with a series of assets including the casalem nostrum Aurium

    133: By discarding the falsifications and giving a different meaning to the transfers of plena iustitia or to the (apparent) stately reserves of major rights, the documentary basis used for the study of count justice almost completely crumbles. Ultimately, the certainly genuine documents attesting to an exercise of high justice by lay counts and gentlemen appear really rare. In fact, they concern only two counts of exceptional power, Count Loritello and that of Molise [48]. For example, a famous donation from Count Ugo II of Molise, dated July 1153,

    -> [48]. On these accounts and their judicial prerogatives, see Jamison, The Norman Administration (cit. No. 3), p. 334-336; Ead., The Administration of the County (cit. No. 4); and especially Martin, La Pouille (cit. n. 1), p. 773 and 799.
 

 

- Jean-Claude Cheynet: L’«homme» du basileus (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 139-154)

The "man" of the basileus

    139: [the] basileus ... commanded all his subjects directly without the mediation of intermediary powers, as had gradually been established in the West. However, ... Personal ties govern all of society and the basileus cannot really break free from them. ...
Among the entourage of the Byzantine magnate, one category stands out for devotion to his master, those of the anthrôpoi , the "men" of this character. ... each master of a house has a fairly small number of relatives whom he calls his "men". It is this freedom that gives value to the bond between the two men. This private link is however recognized since civil servants leave to take up their post in the provinces, accompanied by their "men", who also hold an official position [2].

    141: the title (?) of anthrôpos appears on seals from the 10th century [5] and later that, very precise, of anthrôpos du basileus , in competition with or in addition to the terms oikeios anthrôpos [6] or even doulos of the basileus. This title often comes in addition to other functions. ...

What relationship do these anthrôpoi have with the basilikoi anthrôpoi cited in court sources, which form a tagma , commanded by a catepan [7]? ...

Basilikoi anthrôpoi appear in lists of precedence from the 9th and 10th centuries. They are commanded either by an imperial catepan or by an imperial protospathary,

    142: either by an imperial attendant, or by an imperial servant [domestique]. ... The denominations of servant [domestique] or catepan indicate the command of a tagma.

The expression basilikoi anthrôpoi designates, in most cases, the holders of an imperial dignity equal at most to that of protospathaire. Some are assigned to rooms in the Palace, ... Moreover, at the Christmas banquet, the emperor's men are invited, "all coming from the barbarian nations, the Pharganoi, the Khazars, the Agarenes and the Franks, as well as all those who enjoy the provision of imperial rogai under of these barbarians» [18].

we can conclude that the Emperor's men formed a group of dignitaries attached to the guard of certain reception rooms of the Palace, among which was a contingent of foreigners. There is therefore a large overlap with the hetairies. These accompanied the emperor on his travels, including to Constantinople. The heterarch had the right to ascend the imperial dromon.

    143: It is precisely in the 11th century that appears on seals, albeit in small numbers, the mention "man of the emperor". This new formulation, which distinguishes them from the basilikoi anthrôpoi, implies a change from the previous era.

    144: Let's list the known "Emperor's Men": ...

by the seals : ...
    145: Nestor, Anthrôpos of the sovereign Doukas (see below, appendix),

    146: The list of mentions, both in documents and on seals, is relatively short, implying that the male title of the basileus was not widely distributed and assumed a strong connection to the emperor. In three cases, we can prove it. The akolouthos Michael was one of the most loyal generals of Constantin Monomakh , who repeatedly commanded the tagmata. But it is unclear whether Michael was in the personal service of Monomakh before the latter's accession to power, although he does not appear to have served a previous emperor. Nestor, probably eunuch [49], was an old servant of the Doukas family, before being entrusted with an official mission. Similarly, the Duke of Antioch, Nicephorus, a eunuch originating from the theme of the Bucellaires, is known in the sources by his nickname, Nicephoritzes. He ruled Antioch twice during the reign of Constantin Doukas, who seems to have been very attached to this servant. In both cases, they are eunuchs [50].

    -> [49]. He is titled patrice and preposite on a seal. The office of prepository was always entrusted to a eunuch. However, in the second half of the 11thcentury, the distinction between bearded men and eunuchs seemed to be disappearing (Jordanov, Corpus II [quoted n. 4], n° 520).

In conclusion, the men of the basileus , who have no direct relationship with the basilikoi anthropoi of the previous century, appear at a very specific time, the second half of the 11th century . The archival documents almost all date from the reign of Alexius Comnenus [(1081-1118)].

    147: This is not a coincidence of conservation, since we have abundant documentation for the monasteries of Lavra and Iviron, throughout the 11th century. The "men" mentioned before 1081 are all servants of high-ranking officials, following an ancient tradition. However, the formalization of the title of "man" of the basileus appears on seals from the time of Constantine IX. [(1042-1055)] This innovation seems to be linked to the troubles following the end of the Macedonian dynasty, when the emperors sought to establish a still fragile power. The documentation, in its current state, seems to date this creation to the reign of Constantine IX Monomakh. This emperor appointed to high offices men who had served him when he was still only a private personage ( idiotes ) [52]. If it turns out that the reign of Constantine inaugurated the official use of the term, we could link this fact to the traditional persistence of the bonds of personal service, stronger in the great families originating from the East, such as the Doukas or the Comnenes.

    151: Nestor, anthropos of prince Doukas

Zacos (BnF) 1911.
dia. : 22.
Unpublished.
// Iambol Museum (lead found in Silistra); Sofia Museum No. 13141 (found in Silistra).
Ed. des //: Jordanov, Corpus II, nos . 521-522.

On the right, Virgin half-length, turned towards the medallion of Christ which appears at the top of the field on the left. At the circumference, invocative legend, preceded by a cross: ...

On the reverse, two full-length military saints. Thanks to the parallel pieces, we recognize Saint Nestor, right hand resting on a sword, and Saint Demetrios. In the field, on the left, the column inscription is erased which, according to the parallels, referred to Nestor:

152: 11th century, ca 1067-1071 . A variant of this seal was published by N. Oikonomidès [53]. The location of the letters is different, and the Virgin figured on the obverse is turned to the right to look at the medallion of the Child. The identification of the character is not in doubt, because the name is very rare, which is further underlined by the singular choice of the iconographic motif, the saints Demetrios and Nestor. The signer of the bull is undoubtedly Nestor, of Illyrian origin, servant (doulos) of Constantin Doukas according to the chroniclers [54]. But we cannot know if Nestor was a servant of the future emperor, then a simple private individual, the most probable hypothesis in my eyes, or if he served Constantine when the latter reigned. Another seal, published by I. Jordanov, informs us that he was, under this emperor, patrice and preposite [55]. I. Jordanov commented extensively on the known data about Nestor. He agrees with the dating proposed by N. Oikonomidès, who proposed a minting between 1067 and 1071, because of the curious formula designating the emperor by his transmissible name. It is probably Michael VII Doukas, then co-emperor during the effective reign of Roman IV Diogenes. Nestor thus underlined that he was in the exclusive service of Michael, a position made official by the seal and acceptable in the eyes of Diogenes because Nestor had personally served Constantine, Michael's father. Here, loyalty to a family is emphasized. Two of the seals of Nestor, "man of Doukas", were found in Dristra/Silistra. If the proposed dating is correct, it is an indication that Nestor maintained relations with the people of Dristra before 1072,

    -> [53]. N. Oikonomides, A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals , Washington (DC) 1986, p. 93, No. 95 (seals DO 55.1.3009, DO 58.106.4713).
    -> [54]. Miguel Ataliates, Historia , Introducción, edición, traducción y commentario de Im. Pérez Martin, Madrid 2002 (Nueva Roma, 15), p. 151-153; Ἡ Συνέχεια τῆς χρονογραφίας τοῦ Ἰωάννου Σκυλίτζη, ed. E. Th. Tsolakès, Thessaloniki 1968, p. 166. The Illyrian origin of Nestor is quite enigmatic: was he a Slav? or of Thessalonian origin?
    -> [55]. Jordanov, Corpus II (cited n. 4), nos. 520.

 

 

- Stefano Gasparri:

    - Nefandissimi Langobardi. Le origini di un linguaggio politico (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 325-332)

Nasty Langobardi. The origins of a political language

    325: In the papal correspondence, the moments of greatest tension in the Italian situation emerge, in which the popes ask for help and political and military intervention. It is not a question, as one might think, of the events of 774 [the fall of the Lombard kingdom in 774], never mentioned directly in the preserved letters, but of three other moments: the offensive of Astolfo against Rome in 756, the negotiations in 770-771 for the marriage of Charles with a daughter of Desiderio and the aborted general uprising of the Lombard dukes against the Franks in 776.

    -> [2]. S. Gasparri, The Fall of the Lombard Kingdom. Facts, Memory and Propaganda, in S. Gasparri dir., 774. Hypothesis on a transition, Turnhout 2008, p. 10-90.

    326: And it is above all in 756 and 770-771, the most difficult years for the Roman church, when the two popes, Stephen II and Stephen III, were not even entirely sure of the full frank support, that the language used in the letters it is very hard, even violent [3].

... Another example can be found in the equally critical phase, marked by the very dangerous marriage project between a Frankish prince, who will later be Charles, and a daughter of Desiderio, a phase immortalized by the famous letter in which the pope, who this time is Stephen III , defines the Lombards as a perfidious ac foetentissima gens , which cannot even be counted among the peoples, from whose birth it is certain that theleprosorum genus , ie the lineage of lepers [5] . I will return to this expression later.

    327: The most nefarious Lombards, a true lineage of lepers: this is how the masters of a large part of Italy are presented by the papal sources of the late eighth century. At this point, to avoid automatically triggering all the possible prejudices existing on the Lombards - their stubborn paganism, hostility to the Church, to the bishops, to the Romans, all negative traits that would be confirmed by the sources just cited -, it is necessary to reiterate with force the initial assumption, namely that what is now quickly presented is a political language, whose roots are ancient and date back at least to the sixth century [8] . In my essay on 774 I wrote that these roots could be traced perhaps to the age of Gregory the Great, the pope who in a letter had rejoiced in the death of the nefandissimusre Autari and who in the Dialogi had spoken of the Langobardorum gens effera , which in our eastern crassata cervix . It is an affirmation that must be baked, even if in fact it is possible that the Gregorian age was important on the road to a codification of this papal (and ecclesiastical in general) anti-Lombard language [9].

 

 

- Marius Canard: Arabes et Bulgares au début du X^e siècle  (Byzantion , 1936, 1, 213-223)

 

- Henri Grégoire and Raoul De Keyser: La chanson de Roland et Byzance ou de l’utilité du grec pour les romanistes  (Byzantion, 1939, 14, 1, 265-316)

- Henri Grégoire: Encore la Chanson de Roland et Byzance  (Byzantion, 1939, 14, 2, 689-691)

 

 

 

- Vincenzo D'Amico / Винченцо Д'Амико:

    - Българите, живеещи в Италия през късното средновековие. - Българско издание на Vincenzo D'Amico, I bulgari stanziati nelle terre d'Italia nell'alto medio evo, Roma 1942 (Превод Тодор Ламбрев, издаден от Емил Живков, www.ziezi.net/amico/amico.htm, 1999-2006. Редактиран от Живко Войников)  (.pdf файл от www.bulgari-istoria-2010.com)

 

    - Importanza della immigrazione dei Bulgari nell'Italia meridionale al tempo dei Longobardi e dei Bizantini  (Atti del 3° Congresso internazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo. Benevento - Montevergine - Salerno - Amalfi 14-18 ottobre 1956, Spoleto 1959, 369-377)

стр. 369:
They left from Pannonia, where, although they lived under the supremacy of either the Germans or the Avars, they had largely accepted the religious doctrine and culture of Constantinople. ... From King Grimoaldo the mass, of agricultural tools and livestock, was directed to Benevento, where his son Duke Romualdo ruled; and these all disposed in the Sannio Pentro, in the feral but swampy valleys of the Volturno of the Biferno and of the Tammaro, where the urban centers of Sepino, Boiano d'Isernia and Venafro...

стр. 370:
In relation to this allocation we had the disappearance of the bishops in Sannio Pentro-Frentano until 1000 AD. C. That this disappearance in the early times was the consequence of persecutory breath of the pagan and Aryan Langobards is well understood. In our opinion, the real reason is that the Bulgarians of the district had their own Christian conceptions, adhering to the ancestral customs and ministers of worship, more shaman sorcerers than priests, subject to the archimandrite of Castropignano and of entangled Manicheism.

In Rome this state of affairs was known, even for information of the bishops of Benevento and Capua, who were functioning at the time. Consequently, all that remained was to make room for missionary action.

And this soon happened at the hands of the young Paldo and cousins ​​Taso and Tato, who, after the Franco abbot Farfense Tommaso di Morienna headed to Rome for agreements with the pontiff, after spiritual preparation, settled in a hermitage of S. Vincenzo ad Fontes Volturni, who soon became one of the most famous monasteries. Those young people had left Benevento; and, although from a falsified diploma of Gisulf I are said to the duke carnis consanguinitate propinqui, we prefer to consider them Bulgarian. Many primates of these people remained in the capital city (1).

We know for sure four of them: Teupone and son Imed Tendank (800-817), Grausone and son Grausolfo (834), benefiting from vast estates.

 

    <- Влаевска цитира документ, от Беневенто, от времето на Гримоалд III (787-806), как някакъв човек, Imed Tandanco, дарил на манастира своята част от "casale qui vocatur ad Gruttule finibus Vulgarense".

   

They lived with their compatriots around the church of S. Andrea called by them De Palafernis, which was later joined by an Augustinian monastery. The founders of S. Vincenzo had cloistered vocations in an environment of pure orthodoxy, succeeding Romualdo's pagan practices.

The community always lived beyond any control and ducal favor of both Benevento and Spoleto, only inspired and directed by Rome; and this would not have happened if the monastery had been the foundation of the Langobards.

The abbot of S. Vincenzo Hayrirad (780), that of S. Felice Cieguerohin (787) and monks, such as Beccius Radohin, etc., had Bulgarian names. Others had names not Germanic blood.

стр. 371:
From the Samnite gastaldate many Bulgarians passed to the Abruzzi, mostly in the plain of Sulmona and in the valley of the lower Aterno, where the maps show us the toponymy of their Canati and the religious practice of the rite of the East, which persisted beyond the century. XIII in 7 municipalities.

... These cities could only have been the cities of Amalfi and Naples, favored for their close relations with Byzantium, at the numerous and flourishing ports of the East. Over 30 diplomas attest them to us for Naples. But the best documentation succeed hands him a plant of the century. XI, illustrated by Capasso. We know for it that in today's street S. Giuseppe dei Ruffi once blossomed the Vicus Bulgarum , whose name, after the fourteenth century disappeared replaced by that of Pozzo Bianco . Considering that said Vicus parallel to the Vicus Virginum was about 250 meters long, which for Via Summa Platea and Via Radii Solisit penetrated with cenobes with houses with factories and shops in the episcopal area, for the topometric surveys we must consider an area of ​​about 40,000 square meters. with maybe 1000 souls (2 = Arch. Stor. Pr. Nap ., Vol. XVII.)

стр. 372:

... The Bulgarians were certainly on good terms with the Saracens of Agropoli, who, placed on the plain of Pesto as well as between the Cape Palmuro and the Gulf of Policastro, dried up the marshes, increased their agricultural production and fixed the name of the district.

Employees and perhaps collaborators of the Byzantines also in arms were the Bulgarians reclaimers of the deadly Crati valley, scattered in the farmhouses of the Castrovillari hills, integrated in later centuries by the Hungarians and therefore with greater contributions from the Albanians.

(3) The following works can be consulted for Bulgarian appropriations in Italy:
Diacono P., Historia Langobardorum, Ed. Waitz, L. II cap. 26 L.V., cap. 29, Hannover 1878;
Chron. S. Benedicti in M.G.H. s. v. I, cap. 2; Chron. Salem, in M.G.H. par. XIXL, III cap. 142;
Chron. Vulturn., Ist. Stor. It. 1940, vol. I;
Chron. S. Sophiae, Anno II Siconis. 12. Ind.;
Theophane, Cronographia, Bonn 1939;
Colombo A., Vigevano ed il Comitato Bulgariense in Riv. Viglevanum, 1913;
Gabotto F., Per la Storia del Novarese nell’Alto M. Evo, in Boll. Stor. Prov. Novara, 1917;
Perosa M., Borgovercelli, Vercelli 1889;
D’Amico V., I Bulgari trasmigrati in Italia, Campobasso 1933;
D’Amico V., I Bulgari stanziati nelle terre d’Italia, in riv. Bulgaria, nn. 1, 2, 3, 4, 1941, Roma;
D’Amico V., Rivista Vita Bulgara, nn. 35, 52, 55, 57, 59, 60, 68, 1941, n. 89, 1942, Sofia;
Pezza F., Profilo geografico della Bulgaria Italiana, T. Cattaneo, Novara 1935;
Gerard, C., Les Bulgares de la Volga et les Slaves du Danubie, Paris, Maisonneuve, 1939;
Zangari D., Le colonie Italo-Albanesi di Calabria, Ed. Casella, Napoli 1940.

стр. 373:
They were therefore free (4) men and almost all massari (conductors of their own estates or taken at level), with the exception of the officials of the manufacturing and merchant armies.

    (4) Liberos homines defensanos ... indicated Bulgarians for the most part by the name: Bartoloni F., Carte dell’Abbazia di S. Modesto, LSI for ME, Rome 1950, doc. 5, p. 15.

стр. 374:
Were Bulgarians allowed to use their traditional laws, as it was for the Romans?

Troya (5) and others admit that such use was tolerated only before the Langobard Cadarfede were codified by the Edict of Rotari.

Many find it granted in Chapters 377 and 390 of the Edict itself.

This concession is too manifest in Chapter 100 of Law VI of the Laws of Liutprando, in Chapters 28, 29 and 46 of the Laws of Pippin, and better in Chapter 37 of the Laws of Lothair.

Moreover, in all the codes that have come down to us, the Bulgarians declare living Lombard and Roman lege. Nobody says Bulgarian lege.

... In addition, the toponyms Brolo, Brolio, Brolli, Broletto, Birolas , numerous for all the Italic provinces, they specify that in Italy they were seats of judicial and administrative fora of Pannonian people. In Hungary the judge of any grade and gender is called birò in relation to bir (power and possession) and birodalom (kingdom).

As we have seen, some have given the aforementioned toponyms different interpretations, all improper, including that of Du Cange, which wants to refer to the fenced vegetable garden. Giorgio Giulini in his Memoirs of Milan (6) specifies that the brolo in his city was a fence outside the walls, where there were later sacred and profane buildings, which was under the jurisdiction of the archbishop and extended from the verzaro to S. Balbina (between Porta Roma and Porta Orientale). He adds that in ancient times it was used for markets, shows, walks, war exercises and also for councils and execution of death sentences; that the offenders were burned there; that a small brolo called broletto it was in Milan where it is now the court building and served as a court and citizens' meeting (vol. I, p. 58).


    (6) Giulini G., Memorie di Milano, Milano, Ed. Celso 1754. Il Summonte fa derivare biro-las da viri lassi; il Mazzocchi scompone la voce in var o bar (arx civitas) ed olt (vetus); lo Schipa definisce la parola misteriosa; altri la fanno derivare da un ipotetico arabo bir (fortezza), che invece in arabo è Cala Calta o Calata.

стр. 375:
The amphitheatres of S. Maria di Capua and Venafro were and are called biro-las (in the vernacular Vir-lasc).

In the city of Pavia for the Langobards he administered Gastaldus Regis in the Sacred Palace near the church of S. Michele Maggiore. But in the northern district, between the ancient Piazza Annunziata and the present Piazza Castello stood the church of S. Andrea, which formed part of the Brolio , a judicial and administrative office for the families of the countryside towards Milan, called Bulgaria (7).

Wrecks of these numerous toponyms, today we find in large inhabited centers (Brolio di Messina), or in small ones near Castiglion Fiorentino, Figline Valdarno, Nomio Novarese, Ca 'd'Andrea, etc. Therefore the supposition ceases that places so named meant verzieri or squares more or less well-known, occasionally used for judgments or for deliberative assembly.

It remains incontrovertible that we had real permanent judicial and administrative offices in fences in buildings and amphitheatres. The place then received the name of the function to which it had been used and not vice versa. By narrowing down to southern Italy we can say that a lot of light would have come to us from the Chronicon Vulturnense , where this had reported to us about disputes held in the Biro-las of Capua and Venafro, as we are told by the Sacred Palaces and the Courts. Disputes are recorded only for the riots of the servants of Abruzzo, where the iron and Lombard law was in full force.

Yet a legal document, unique but of exceptional importance, exists (8). This is a long and detailed report of a judgment made in Bari in 1127,


    (7) The surnames Di Brolio and Di Broglio should also be considered.

    (8) De Blasiis G. , La Insurrezione Pugliese e la conquista normanna, vol. III, Naples, Detken and Rocholl, 1873, pp. 451-436.

стр. 376:
there ruling as prince the Lombard Grimoaldo Alferanite, from the crite (judge) Michele assisted by noble citizens. A certain Lupone, defended by the lawyer Pasquale, learned that his mother, acting as a servant in the home of that Nicola Imbarati, where he had procreated him with unknown embraces, was Bulgarian, asking for his release from his servile state. Responsible texts, including the Bulgarian Kuranna, swore on Maria's national quality; and Lupone was declared free with procedure carried out by the Bulgarian Kaloianni turmarca (military leader).

The sentence specifies that only the infidels or the Slavs could be servants or those guilty of crimes. The cases covered by the special laws, according to King Pippin, were the successions, oaths, compositions, states of naivety .

Since before 1000 too notoriously outside the Langobards and Franks, who imposed without distinction on all the defense and protection articles of the state prerogatives, outside the ecclesiastics applying in the orbit of their jurisdictions the principles of Roman law and Canon, outside the Byzantine provinces, there were no other nationalities in Italy, except that of the Bulgarians, who could deserve the special concessions of Rotan di Liutprando di Pipino and Lotario. Bulgarians were therefore exclusively the broli, the broletti, the birolas who, when they no longer applied criminal and civil regulations, remained as an office for administrative and customary law.

For the latter, the laws of Charlemagne in chapter 148 and those of Pepin in chapter 35 had been so broad that only judges of special sources could determine their scope and application.

стр. 377:
As a consequence, Del Poggetto asked to be exempted from tax contributions; and got the royal rewritten. The bloody reactions against the gentlemen and their armigers are not counted. Among the Bulgarians in the penal field two practices were certain, the judicial proof made by passing barefoot over hot coals and the inquisitorial torture called in Tuscany colla perhaps the Bulgarian word. In the field of family law we had and still have, somewhere, marriage with the ratto (10).

    (10) Gobbi Belcredi, in Vie d’Italia, 1938, n. 9. 
 

 

 

- loffredo_presenze_slave_in_italia_meridionale_2015.pdf 

 

- Lucien Musset, Entre deux vagues d'invasions : la progression slave dans l'histoire européenne du Haut Moyen âge  (In: Gli Slavi occident ali e meridionali nell’alto Medioevo, Spoleto, 1983)

 

 

- Alexander Tončev: Typologie of the data about Bulgarian history in Italian medieval historiography  (Byzantinobulgarica VIII, 1986. 313-323)

XLIII. THEODORICUS (471-526) DEVASTATES MACEDONIA
    1. Inc.: mortuo. . . Fin.: . . . occupavit. [74]
    2. Inc.: “Interea. . . Fin.: . . . succendit.” [75]
XLIV. THEODORICUS (471-526) PASSES THROUGH BULGARIA IN 488
    1. Inc.: Cum igitur Theodoricus. . . Fin.: . . .pervenisset. [76]
    2. Inc.: 478. — Theodorico. . . Fin.: . . . Italia. [77] { 76 и 77 са дъщерни, от 75 }
XLV. THEODORICUS DEFEATS BRISAM
    1. Inc.: Ancora combaterno. . . Fin.: . . . exercito. [78]
XLVI. KING AGELMUNDUS FIGTHS WITH THE BULGARIANS
    1. Inc.: Mortuis autem. . . Fin.: . . . potiti. [79]

    74. Benedetto (= Il Chronicon di Benedetto, Roma, 1920), p. 19-20.
    75. Romualdus (= Romualdi Salernitani Chronicon - Rerum italicarum scriptores, t. VII, p. 1, Bologna, 1935), p. 105.
    76. Corpus (= Corpus chronicorum Bononiensium. — Rerum italicarum scriptores, t. XVIII, p. I), v. 1, p. 284, sinistra.
    77. Ibid., p. 285.            78. Ibid.            79. Romualdus, p. 108-109.

LXI. THE SON OF URSIUS BADUARIO (911-932) IN BULGARIAN CAPTIVITY
    1. Inc.: Quem successit Petrus. . . Fin.: . . . exulatus. [107]
    2. Inc.: Quem successit. . . Fin.: . . . redimeret. [108]
    3. Inc.: Hic dux filium suum. . . Fin.: . . . factus est. [109]

 

107. Giovanni Diacono, p. 133.
108. Ibid., p. 131-132.
109. Petrus Iustinianus, p. 52-53.

LXIV. URSELLUS DE BALLIOL FIGHTS IN “ESCLAVONNIE”
    1. Inc.: Puizqu’il. . . Fin.: . . . combatre. [113]
LXV. ROBERT GUISCARD INVADES BYZANTIUM
    1. Inc.: XXIV. — Igitur famosissimus. . . Fin.: . . . faciebat. [114]
    113. Storia de normanni di Amato di Montecassino. Roma, 1935, p. 17.
    114. Gaufredus Malaterra. De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius. — RIS, V/1, Bologna, 1928, p. 71-75.

...
LXVII. ROBERT GUISCARD FIGHTS “APUD BULGAROS”
    1. Inc.: XXXIII. — Igitur famosissimus. . . Fin.: . . . cohortatur. [122]
LXVIII. ROBERT GUISCARD RETURNS FROM BULGARIA
    1. Inc.: XXXVI. —Comes vero. . . Fin.: . . . praesumeret. [123]
    122. Gaufredus Malaterra, p. 77.
    123. Ibid., p. 78.


Such a system represent, for example, 8 (Romualdus Salernitanus) and 25 (Corpus chronicorum bononiensium), where the first is the basis and the second — development.

 

- André Guillou:

    - Migration et présence slaves en Italie du VI^e au XI^e siècle  (Зборник радова Византолошког института, Београд, 1973; Culture e Société en Italie Byzantine (VI^e—XI^e siècles), London, 1978)

 

    - Demography and Culture in the Exarchate of Ravenna  (Studies on Byzantine Italy with a preface by Raffaello Morghen. Variorum Reprints London 1970)

    G. de Francovich, reconsidered the best-known Lombard works of art; and by pushing a line of argument, which others had begun (18), to its logical conclusion he distinguished two categories among these works, one Lombard, the other not: this category seemed to him to have a special character - in inspiration, style and technique - which distinguished it both from Lombard and from eastern products (19).

    (19) G. de Francovich, Il problema delle origini della scultura cosidetta ‘Longobarda’, in Atti del I Congresso internazionale di studi longobardi, 1951, Spoleto, 1952, 255-273.

 

    (25) See G. de Francovich, Il concetto della regalità dell’arte Sasanide e l’interpretazione di due opere bizantine del periodo della dinastia macedone, in Arte lombarda, IX (1964), 1-19. One should read the whole of this article, which makes an important contribution to the knowledge of the imperial imagery (adventus imperatoris, imperial hunt).

 

    211: The theme of the conquered offering up the city to the conqueror has long been familiar in the art of Constantinople, as, for instance, on the column of Arcadius (27);
(27) See A. Grabar, L’empereur dans l’art byzantin, Paris, 1936, 54-57 (Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de Strasbourg, LXXV).

 

    - La Lucanie byzantine: Etude de géographie historique  (Studies on Byzantine Italy with a preface by Raffaello Morghen. Variorum Reprints London 1970)

    134: In 1048, writes an editor of short records, the Normans marched against the Greeks; they invaded Calabria and defeated the Greeks at Tricarico (1) .

(1) Chronicon breve Northmannicum, Patr. Lat. , t. 149, col. 1083.

    135: we are in the Lombard gastaldat of Lucania (actus Cilenti or Lucaniae), where many Greek families live and where several Byzantine monasteries thrive, such as those of S. Marie de Torricella, S. Georges, S. Marie de Pattano, etc.

Umberto Toschi wrote that Lucania "more than a well-defined region is a residual zone, delimited by Campania in the North-West, Calabria in the South, Puglia in the South-East, which have very distinct individualities" (2). And Toschi included Cilento there. What would he have said of Byzantine Lucania! It was the association of three territories: the Latinianon, the Merkourion and Lagonegro (?), Probably ruled from Tursi; these three territories are cited together by Orestes, Patriarch of Jerusalem (984-1005) (3), in the Life of Christophore and Macarius:

“The great Sabas,” he writes, “led the monks who were in all the monasteries of the Latinianon, the Merkourion and the territory of Lagonegro” (4).

        (4) ..., Life of Christophore holy and Macaire, ed. J. Gozza-Luzi, Historia et laudes SS. Sabae and Macarii ..., Rome, 1893, p. 92.

    136: The Latinianon had been a Lombard gastaldat, whose convention of 849, passed between Radelchis of Benevento and Sikenolf of Salerno, allows to specify that he was limited by the gastaldats of Taranto, Cassano, Laino, Lucania (Cilento), of Salerno, Conza and Acerenza (1). Its name came from the disappeared town of Latinianon, whose existence is still attested in 1041 (2) and 1068 (3) and which must be located in the region of Polla (4).

140: The location of the Eparchy of Merkourion (5) has tempted more than one scholar:

        (5) I quote here, for the record, the unfortunate attempts at identification: J. Gay, L'Italie sudionale et l'Empire byzantin ..., Paris, 1904,

    141: We only know that a "Byzantine army" (βασιλικὸς στρατός) was destroyed there by the Normans (2), ... The flowering of Greek convents in this territory is certainly known, but it will remain to be determined which ones were founded in the Byzantine era (5).
 

    143: The main known centers were Stigliano, located in the middle of a vast area of hills at 909 m. of altitude, between the two torrents of the Misegna and the Sauro, undermined nowadays by continuous landslides, and whose soil knows for half the wood and the permanent and uncultivated pasture feeding a meager cattle of cattle and sheep and for the other half of the extensive cereal crops and a few olive groves in the Sauro Valley (1); Pisticci, 364 m., Surrounded by olive trees (2); Montalbano Ionico, on a terrace 292 m. altitude, with its cereal and vegetable crops (3); Colobraro, on top of a hill with steep flanks, 600 m., On the left bank of the Sinni (4); Nova Siri, 300 m. above sea level, of which a few cereals, olive trees, vines, and fruit trees ensure a precarious existence for the inhabitants, for the extent of the barren lands there is particularly great (5); Tursi, finally.

    144: Tursi, in Greek Τουρσικόν, on the road that unites the Appia with the Taranto-Reggio way, was built on a hill of 210 m. altitude favorable to the olive tree, to the right of the road, behind what must have been the very large forest of Policoro, between Agri and Sinni (1).

Around 968, in fact, following an imperial decision, the Patriarch of Constantinople Polyeuctus gave the Bishop of Otranto, until then autocephalous archbishop, the authorization to consecrate bishops to Acerenza, Gravina, Matera, Tricarico and Toursikon (2). We will have noticed the date of this measure, which must be brought closer to the date when the katepanat of Italy was created and, in my opinion, the theme of Lucania. ... I retain that the Greek holder (nobody disputes this point) of the see of Otranto receives mission to consecrate a Greek bishop in Toursikon, city linked geographically,

    (2) Liudprand of Cremona, Legatio , MGH, SS. Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum ..., Hanover-Leipzig, 1915, p. 209; V. Grumel, The regests of the acts of the patriarchate of Constantinople..

    145: ... organized as a Byzantine province, and close to the main traditional routes of communication to the East. Documentary sources make it possible to specify that the jurisdiction of the prelate extended over the Latinianon (and probably the Merkourion).

148: Here "neither capital city, nor economic center of gravity" (2), nor impassable borders. Such is medieval Lucania (see map), an ungrateful land, less than today, because it was largely covered with forests. Cleared by the Byzantine monks who came from Sicily by the small port of Palinuro, crossing the Cilento (3), in the ninth century, also from the Orient, by Otranto or Taranto, Brindisi, Bari, Rossano, Cotrone, Reggio or Agropoli (4),

 

 

 

- André Guillou, Walther Holtzmann: Zwei Katepansurkunden aus Tricarico  (Studies on Byzantine Italy with a preface by Raffaello Morghen. Variorum Reprints London 1970)
    p. 10: Supplement. Count Gosfrid von Tricarico, with the advice of his wife Adelaia, donated some houses in the city to Bishop Ebert von Tricarico. (1147)
    I, Gosfridus the grace of Tricaricensis the companion of God and the king, with the king 's words to look upon it, ... and from the subscribed to by the witnesses for the life of our lord the Count Roger of the most holy king, ... and our men 'of the parents did grant, and handed on to the mother, the Church, Tricarico and lord Erbertus of the same, the bishop of the houses, which formerly belonged to the Ioannacii Amalfetani, which the same John Bulgarus -in-law of that held it, (et domno Erberto eiusdem ciuitatis episcopo domos, que olim fuerunt Ioannacii Amalfetani, quas eciam Iohannes Bulgarus gener illius tenuit, pertinentes mihi iure eo, quod fuerunt de nostro puplico,)

    p. 14 : 1) When the katépan Basile Bojôannès draws up the perihorismos of the new stronghold of Troy, in June 1019, it specifies that the right of grazing paid by the foreigners (to hear those that are neither of the territory of Bakaritza nor the territory of Troy), which are authorized to graze their animals on the pastures that remain in common in Bakaritza and Troy, will be divided between the two cities in the proportion of one third for the first and two thirds for the second: τρεῖς μοίρας τὸ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν λόγω νομίστρου καταβαλλόμενον ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας γενέσθαι εὐδοκοῦμεν (F. Trinchera, Syllabus Graecarum Membranarum .... The Latin translation of which the author is not known (but which may have been written at the same time as the Greek act and perhaps in its wake before the subscriptions, other cases were mentioned) and of which it must be recognized that it is in some places a little loose translates precisely herbaticum.

---

Trinchera, Syllabus Graecarum membranarum (Napoli 1865):
p. 626: Vaccarilienses, Βακαρίτζαι, communia pascua habent cum Troianis, 20, 22. — Mandat ipsis Catapanus Opus ne monasterium S. Mariae de Moniterato in iuris pascendi possessione perturbent 33.
(= Vaccarilienses, Βακαρίτζαι, the Trojans have a common pastures, 20, 22. - Catapano commands the monastery of St. Mary Moniterato need not to disturb the law of feeding livestock, 33.

 

Bakaritza е спомената на стр. 18-20 (55-57) и стр. 32-33 (69-70).

Също у Trinchera - Bulgarus Rogerius, Bolgre Rogerius:

    p. 198 (235)-199: (CLI. 1154.) ... (Свидетели:) + Rogerius. bolgre. testis sum.
    p. 202-3 (238): (CLII. 1154) ... (Свидетели:) + Dominus Dumnus testis. + Rogerius Bulgarus testis.

---
Dizionario di toponomastica:
    p. 90: = Biccari (Fg.) Center located at 450 m above sea level, it is dominated by a medieval tower. Locally vìcchërë and bìcchërë (DETI 53), with the frequent b-v exchange in the Apulian dialects, the toponym is attested in the a. 1067 «oppidum qui voc. Biccarum " (but the territory would already be mentioned in a document of 834 according to CPIt. IV, 612) and also appears in RDApLC (Troia) a. 1346 "Item a clericis Biccari" n. 5283; it is considered a probable derivative from the Latin vicus in the diminutive form vicŭlus or vicora ...

---

 

 

- André Guillou, Katia Tchérémissinoff: Note sur la culture arabe et la culture slave dans le katépanat d'Italie (X^e-XI^e siècles)  (Mélanges de l'Ecole française de Rome. t. 88, 2, 1976)

        Гийу не бил съгласен с Иван Дуйчев, че споменаванията за "българи" в южна Италия не означавали българско етническо присъствие и че зад тях стояли богомили. Славянски кирилски текст в гръцки ръкопис, писан през XI в. в южна Италия.

 

 

- Живко Войников, Лангобардите, гепидите, панонските и алцековите българи  (.pdf файл от www.bulgari-istoria-2010.com)

 

- Георги Димов, Българите в Южна Италия през Средните векове (от VI-XI век)  ("Quod deus vult!", София 2013, 98-119)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

- Александър Мошев, Находките от Кастел Трозино – следи от българи–християни в централна Италия през VI–VII в.? (Предварителни бележки)  (.docx файл от www.academia.edu)

 

 

 

- Ferdo Gestrin:

    - La migrazione degli slavi in Italia nella storiografia Jugoslava  (Quaderni storici, 14, 1979, pp. 7-30)

    стр. 10: Nel primo periodo, fino al XII secolo, gli Slavi si stabiliscono nell'Italia meridionale, in Calabria ed in Sicilia (a Palermo, nel X secolo, si parla di una «Porta Sclavorum»)

 

    - Migracije Slovanov v Italijo. Rezultati jugoslovanske historiografije  (Zgodovinski časopis, 32, 1-2, 1978, 1-2, стр. 7-21)  (.pdf файл от www.zgodovinskicasopis.si)

 

 

- I. Petkanov / Иван Петканов:

        - Думите българин и славянин в италиански език  (Езиковедски изследвания в чест на акад. Ст. Младенов. Издание на БАН, София 1957, с. 389-392)

стр. 389: Може да се поддържа, че етническото съзнание у тези българи е изчезнало през X в., тъй като през IX в. все още се споменават имена на българи, придружени с етническото им определение (напр.: il bulgaro Gransolfo = българинът Гранзолфо), докато през XI в. вече наименованието българин се среща изключително като собствено име (напр.: Bulgaro f. Carlo = Булгаро син на Карло).

<- http://www.fenomenibg.com/modules/news/article.php?storyid=119 : В най-голямата от Беневентските архиви "Хроникон санта Софие", писана на гръцки, се среща, че в 834 г. Принц Сикардо подарил на игумена Роффридо една гора, след като я отнел от българина Граузолфо (т. 39 = Chronicon S. Sophiae - 2 A. Siconis - 12 (durch d'Amico).).

 

        - Bulgar(us) e suknja nelle parlate italiane e neolatine  (Ricerche slavistiche, III, 1954, pp. 43-50, part. pp. 43-50)
        - Bulgarus nell’onomastica e nella toponomastica italiana  (Lingua nostra, XXI, 1960, pp. 17-20)
        - Di nuovo su Bulgarus  (Lingua nostra, XXII, 1961, p. 93)

        - Orme bulgare in Italia ed in Occidente, Bulgaria. Rivista di cultura (Roma), 3, 1941, N 2, p. 95-102.
 

- Roberto Perrone Capano: Sulla presenza degli slavi in Italia e specialmente nell’Italia Meridionale  (Atti della Accademia Pontaniana, Nuova serie, volume XII, Napoli 1963, 139-172)

Review by: E. Hö.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/41042388

Roberto Perrone Capano Sulla presenza degli slavi in Italia e specialmente nell'Italia Meridionale, in: Atti dell'Accademia Pontaniana. Naples N. S. 12 (1963) 34 S.

Slavic immigrants certainly do not play any role comparable to other foreign elements (Greeks, Lombards, Albanians) in the history of Italian nationality, nevertheless they have left some interesting traces. The author's evidence is based exclusively on the Slavic influences on the personal names, the toponomy is only briefly touched on in the introduction. Only those surnames are selected which, in their external form, allow direct conclusions to be drawn about Slavic origin. A wealth of material is available, especially for the 15th and 16th centuries, largely through the evaluation of previously unpublished archival material from lower Italy (files from the Trani State Archives, baptismal register from Brindisi and the Gender Book from Manduria). - The further references are valuable.

 

- Иван Божилов, Българите във Византийската империя  (София, 1995)  (откъс)

      Българи като византийски наемници в Юстиниановите войни в Италия против готите. - 569 г.: Лангобардският крал Албоин довежда със себе си в Италия гепиди и българи от Панония. - Средата на VII в.: Павел Дякон за заселването на Алцеко при лангобардите в Беневенто

 

 

- Анна Влаевска (Anna Vlaevska):

    - Една недописана история на българите от XVIII век. Из ръкописите на библиотеката на музея „Correr” във Венеция  (В: Българи и италианци през вековете в борби за независимост и държавност. София, 2006)

    - Bulgari in Italia medievale tra leggenda e memoria storica (2016)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

    - Storia di un problema storiografico: a proposito delle orme (proto)bulgare in Italia tra leggenda e memoria storica  (Études balkaniques, LІІ, 2016, 4)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

 

- Giuseppe Cossuto: A Steppe People in Medieval Italy: The Bulgars of Molise  (Kâşgarlı’nin Tarihçi Torunu. Resat Genç Armagani, 2015, 141-145)

    142: For example a Hunno-Bulgar, force took part in the military Byzantine operations against the Ostrogothic king Totila (or Baduila, died July 1, 552 AD), in the Campania area, in 548 A.D. [5].

    <- 5. Marcellini Comitis, Chronicon: Ioannes magister militum in Campania praedans Gothos nonnullas liberat senatores: qui postea patitur nocturnum Totilae superventum Bulgarum suorum proditione, in Jacques Paul Migne, Patrologia Latina, vol. 51.
 
    <- = file:///c:/kroraina/knigi/libi/1/gal/1_318.html LIBI, t. I (1958), 318.

 

 

- demon22: За прабългарите (с фокус върху Италия)  (2005/12/3)

http://www.fenomenibg.com/modules/news/article.php?storyid=119

- От Капасо научаваме, че още от 970 г. българите в Неапол са имали свой собствен квартал близо до градската врата св.Дженаро, който до 1400 г. се е наричал Сумма Платеа; а на университетската улица в същия град е имало построена през VII век българска черква св. Андрея, запазена и до сега след като е била подновена в 1700 г. (т.41). <- https://books.google.co.uk/books?redir_esc=y&id=6BLnmAEACAAJ&q=bulgari#v=snippet&q=bulgari&f=false : civitate neapolis inter duos vicoras unum bicum qui vocatur birginum etalium qui nominatur bulgari regionis suma platea.

 

- Giorgio Otranto: Il Cammino dell’Angelo tra strade e santuari di Puglia  (AA.VV., Roma-Gerusalemme. Lungo le vie francigene del Sud, Roma 2008, pp. 82-94)

 

    <- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Via_Francigena
стр. 2: It is probable that the cult for the Angel arrived on the Gargano mountain, at the time included in the diocese of Siponto, right from Constantinople, thanks to the intense relationships that have always existed between the Greek-Byzantine world and Puglia. The first news on the installation of the cult in the Gargano cave dates back to the fifth century and is related to three apparitions of the Angel, which tradition has set at 490, 492 and 493, on the basis of the Liber de apparitione sancti Michaelis in Monte Gargano (= Apparitio), an anonymous VIIIth century writing, devoid of precise chronological elements.
 . . . Towards the end of the fifth and, above all, in the sixth century, the Gargano cave was visited by pilgrims coming first from the neighboring regions and then, gradually, from further away. Perhaps two churches built at their own expense in the dioceses of Larino and Potenza by some faithful, who then asked Pope Gelasius (492-496) to be consecrated to the Archangel, should be connected to the first pilgrimages to the Gargano. These churches, built on privately owned land, could be a reflection of the spread of the Michaelic cult in the surrounding areas following the first pilgrimages to the sanctuary.
 
 стр. 3:
During the Greek-Gothic war (535-553), the first route from the East to the Gargano sanctuary was that of Artellaide, a young Byzantine who, as her life handed down, reached Siponto from Constantinople via Valona or Durazzo (Albania) : Siponto was asked for a cash contribution to be able to carry out work in ecclesia s. Michaelis, quae sita est in monte Gargano; but she preferred to go personally to the sanctuary and, after having gathered in emotional prayer, pro opere ipsius ecclesiae dedit triginta aureos (=on behalf of the thirty pieces of gold for it has given to the work of the church itself). Immediately afterwards, she reached Benevento,...

<- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arthelais :  Saint Arthelais (Italian: Sant' Artellaide) (544–560) is venerated as a Christian saint. She is one of the patron saints of Benevento,[1] with Saints Barbatus of Benevento and Bartholomew being the others. Her feast day is on March 3. A native of Constantinople, Arthelais was the daughter of an imperial proconsul named Lucius and his wife Anthusa. She is said to have been pursued by Justinian, who desired her; however, Arthelais had taken a vow of chastity. At her own request, she was sent with three servants to her uncle Narses in Italy, (По дороге её украли разбойники, однако она была освобождена чудесным образом) Arthelais soon met her servants, and they proceeded to Siponto. From there she went to the Sanctuary of Monte Sant'Angelo to make an offering in thanksgiving. Her uncle Narses went to meet her and brought her back to Benevento.

The episode of Artellaide shows not only that the sanctuary was already in need of renovation works, but also that its notoriety was beginning to spread in the Byzantine circles.
 
 At the end of the 6th century, the Lombards made their appearance on the social and political scene of southern Italy, who, after having founded the Duchy of Benevento with Duke Zottone in 570, repeatedly sought outlets on the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic, to take possession of the fertile plains of Campania and Puglia. In this expansionist movement, probably following the path of Artellaide in the opposite direction, they went several times to Siponto, then under Byzantine rule, and came into contact with the Michaelic sanctuary, which immediately attracted their attention. In fact, they must have been particularly attracted to Michele, in whom they found attributes and characteristics of the pagan Wodan, considered by the Germanic peoples supreme god, god of war,..
 
 According to what Paolo Diacono hands down, the Byzantines, around 650, attacked the sanctuary of S. Michele. The Lombard Grimoaldo I, Duke of Benevento (647-671), who rushed quickly to the Gargano, repelled the attack of the Greeks inflicting a serious defeat on them. This episode had a noteworthy echo among the Lombards, whose historiography, from Erchemperto to Chronica s. Benedicti Casinensis, in the ninth century continued to enhance the event as the result of the protection of St. Michael; it officially marked the beginning of that singular and lasting link between the Lombard dynasty and the Michaelic cult which had, throughout the medieval period, numerous significant attestations in cultured and popular environments and in sources of all kinds, from epigraphic to those archaeological-monumental, iconographic and archival.After 650 the Gargano region was in fact absorbed into the duchy of Benevento and remained politically subject first to the dukes and then to the princes until the end of the ninth century. Furthermore, the territory of the Sipontine diocese, at the specific request of the Benevento bishop Barbato, was placed by Duke Romualdo I (662-687) under the jurisdiction of the diocese of Benevento.
 
 стр. 4:
 The battle of 650 profoundly influenced the history of relations between the Lombards and the Michaelic cult. When, in the 9th century, alongside the traditional date of 29 September, the Lombard historiography began to appear on 8 May as dies festus of the dedication of the Michael church, one of the three apparitions of Michael and the victory of Grimoaldo on the Byzantines, helping to create a tradition that has been perpetuated continuously over the centuries.
 
 Grimoaldo himself wanted and knew how to exploit the episode for political purposes: he presented himself as protected by the Archangel, making that victory appear as desired by him, and ended up making the Michaelic cult, practiced by Aryan Lombards and Catholic Longobards, an instrumentum regni for the unity of all his subjects.
 
 With his rise to the throne of Pavia (662), devotion to the Archangel spread immediately also among the northern Lombards, especially in Pavia and Milan, where Grimoaldo had some churches dedicated to the Saint built.
 
 ... the Gargano sanctuary, as shown by some of the approximately two hundred inscriptions engraved or traced by scratch on its structures both inside and on the facade of the entrance.
 
 стр. 5:
 The Gargano inscriptions, on the whole, hand down the memory of one hundred and eighty-two people, of which one hundred and sixty-eight men and fourteen women, who are almost all of Lombard origin and without graphic culture, like many other pilgrims; for all of them there were stonemasons stationed in the sanctuary (hupographeis) who, in return, wrote their names on the walls. Among those still legible there are anthroponyms of Semitic, Greek, Latin and at least ninety-seven of sure Germanic origin: these are, for the most part, anthroponyms of the Gothic, Frankish, Saxon, Alemannic and in particular Lombards such as Afridus, Ansipertus, Arechis, Auderada, Cunualdus, Ildirissi, Isitruda, Ludualdo, Maurualdu, Ratemund, Rodigisi, Rumildi, Tato, Varnedruda, some of which are close to the acclamation vivas in deo. This richness and variety of names highlights how the pilgrimage to the Gargano, between the seventh and ninth centuries, had now become international, becoming a European-level phenomenon: all this coincides with the period of maximum expansion and the most incisive presence of the Lombards in Puglia, where the Dukes of Benevento, in the eighth century, established the gastaldati of Siponto (740), Canosa (747) and Lucera (774). Four inscriptions in the Futhork runic alphabet, a type of alphabet in use, especially in the sacred environment, in Anglo-Saxon England and in the Netherlands between the sixth and ninth centuries, are of particular importance in the Gargano epigraphic corpus. These of Monte Sant'Angelo are the first runic inscriptions found and recognized as such in Italy. They present four anthroponyms of Anglo-Saxon pilgrims, probably ecclesiastical, who, between the end of the seventh and the first half of the eighth century, went by devotion to the Gargano sanctuary, leaving the autographed memory of their visit and confirming the interest of the populations of Germanic lineage for it. The first three (Hereberehct, Herraed, Wigfus) are traced out at scratch, at human height, on the right facade of the long access tunnel to the sanctuary; the fourth (Leofwini) was found inside the sanctuary. Next to these four anthroponyms, there is also the one of an Eadrihd Saxso, a vir honestus who wanted to declare his origin using, this time, the Latin alphabet.The presence of these Anglo-Saxon pilgrims in the Gargano sanctuary sheds new light on the relations between England and Italy in the VII-VIII century and which, based on literary sources, especially Beda and Paolo Diacono, seemed to interest almost exclusively Rome, Montecassino and sometimes Pavia. The epigraphs of the Gargano sanctuary show, however, that English pilgrims sometimes extended their journey to visit the cave-sanctuary of the Angel, which has now become a stop on the way to the Holy Land. In the second half of the 8th century, the Cassinese monks attempted to retain some English pilgrims at their monastery, heading for the Apulian sanctuary
 
 стр. 6:
 As the anthroponymy of the inscriptions also attests, between the 8th and 9th centuries, many other pilgrims from the Frankish kingdom went to the Gargano. Among these, the monk Bernardo, who recounted his pilgrimage in the Itinerarium Bernardi Franci monks (= It. Bern.), Considered a model of travel report, the last truly significant before the crusades; following these, there is a partial change in the concept of pilgrimage, at least of the one directed in the Holy Land, and consequently, as Menestò notes, also of the narrative sources connected to it.
 
 Wanting to visit the loca sanctorum in the East, Bernardo joined two other monks (the Spanish Teudemondo and the Campania Stefano) and, going to Rome in 867, he received the blessing (benedictio) and authorization (licentia) to make the journey: Inde progress venimus ad montem Garganum, in quo est ecclesia sancti Michaelis sub uno plaque.
 
 ... After visiting the Gargano sanctuary, the three pilgrims went on to Bari, called civitas Sarracenorum because at the time it was the seat of a powerful Arab emirate; here the three asked and obtained from the "sultan" two letters describing their physical features and illustrating their itinerary. This is obviously a sort of passport that the three should have presented to the authorities of the cities they would have passed through.
    <- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bernard_the_Pilgrim

 стр. 7:
 when, in 849, the Lombard principality of Salerno broke away from that of Benevento, the treaty of peace and alliance stipulated between the princes Siconolfo and Radelchi provided, among other things, that the Salernitans could cross the Benevento territories to go ad venerabilem ecclesiam blessed Archangeli Michaelis. In 869 the Saracens stationed in Bari under the leadership of the Emir Sawdan attacked and looted the sanctuary, for the reconstruction of which the emperor Ludwig II, a few years later, granted to the archbishop of Benevento Aione,on which the sanctuary depended, the means to have it restored. Despite this and other Saracen incursions of 910 and 952 and despite the consequent state of abandonment in which the Michaelica church had to fall, the flow of pilgrimages did not suffer any interruption, as evidenced by the trips made, roughly between 940 and 960 by Odo of Cluny; from s. Fantino, an Egyptian Calabrian monk in the Mercurion monastery in Lucania, on the border with Calabria; by the abbot Giovanni di Görz, who, around the middle of the tenth century, went there after having been to Rome, Montecassino and Naples; by Flodoardo di Reims who, after visiting the cave, dedicated a part of his poem De Christi triumphis apud Italiam to the cult of the Angel on the Gargano. In 999 it was the German emperor Otto III to reach, nudis pedibus,the Gargano cave for penitential reasons; then, in 1022, his successor Henry II 71, Pope Leo IX 72, Melo da Bari and many other high-ranking personalities.
 
 стр. 8:
 The many pilgrimages to the Gargano, the attempt to reproduce elsewhere the model of the Apulian sanctuary, the numerous anthroponyms of pilgrims from all over Europe, the recurrence of the Gargano cult tradition in martyrologists and hagiographic works of the early Middle Ages make the sanctuary of Monte Sant'Angelo a real meeting point of Roman, Byzantine and Germanic pilgrims and of the Michaelic cult a phenomenon of European breadth, a phenomenon that symbolically represents the new vision of history and culture of the V-VIII centuries, no longer, or not only, classicistic and Roman-centric, but Romanbarbaric and pro-European.
 

 

- Marco Trotta: Il culto dell’Arcangelo tra Roma e il Gargano: i dies festi  (In: Armando Gravina (a cura di), Atti – 37° Convegno Nazionale sulla Preistoria, Protostoria, Storia della Daunia, San Severo 2017)

  стр. 132: The chronology indicated for the archaeological evidence that came to light in the late antiquity of the sanctuary of Monte Sant'Angelo makes it possible to hypothesise that the installation of the Gargano-era Michaelic cult is contemporary to that which took place in the suburb of Rome, at the VII mile of the street Salaria, on the hill of Castel Giubileo, where a three-aisled basilica dedicated to San Michele was built, which in the planimetric layout and in the adoption of the Byzantine base recalled the Aryan church of Sant'Agata dei Goti very close [8 = Bianchini M., Vitti M. 2003, La basilica di San Michele Arcangelo al VII miglio della via Salaria alla luce delle scoperte archeologiche, “Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana” LXXIX, pp. 173-242: 228-230.].

    <- Bianchini M., Vitti M. 2003, La basilica di San Michele Arcangelo al VII miglio della via Salaria alla luce delle scoperte archeologiche, “Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana” LXXIX, pp. 173-242: 228-230

 

    <- Life and Works of Saint Gregentios, Archbishop of Taphar: Introduction ... edited by Albrecht Berger:
стр. 36-7: The hut of the hermit Michael, which is described as being three miles from the church of Bonifatios and Aglais, can then be located at Fidena/Castel Giubileo, where one of the oldest known churches of the Archangel Michael in the region around Rome stood on a hill later called mons Sancti Angeli. [193]

193: Mentioned in the time of Leo III (795-816): Liber Pontificalis, II, 12.24, and in the Salzburg itinerary, De Rossi, ibid., 142.30. The location at the seventh milestone, which is given there, refers to the old Roman system in which the distances were calculated from the Forum. Sec also Martyrologium Hieronymianum, [ 127]. — On the mons Sancti Angeli, see Chiumenti & Bilancia, Nomentana, 251-252; on the church of the Archangel Michael, see now also Bianchini & Vitti, “La basilica”.
 

<- https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michael_(Erzengel) : 

 In Constantinople Michael was consecrated up to fifteen churches at times. The most important, the Michaelion, a basilica built by Emperor Constantine the Great in 314, was in Sosthenion, near the city. It is considered the oldest Christian church dedicated to Archangel Michael; However, the Ottomans demolished it in the middle of the 15th century in order to use the building materials for the construction of the Rumelian fortress, which was part of the preparations for the conquest of Constantinople. Another famous Michaelskirche stood within the city walls at the Arcadius thermal baths. According to the chronicler Prokopios, six Michael churches were commissioned by Emperor Justinian I alone. A Alexandrian church was built in Alexandria over an earlier temple to Cleopatra.

The oldest Church of St. Michael in the west was the basilica on Via Salaria north of Rome, the remains of which were rediscovered in 2000. It was created according to archaeological dates between 390 and 410. The first mention was made in the year 435. Its consecration date on September 29, determined by the Pope Gelasius I 493, [9] became for the whole Latin Church the date for the Archangel's feast. From there, worship spread across Europe. In the course of war, it fell into disrepair in the 6th century. Although it was rebuilt, it could not regain its original meaning. The basilica was last mentioned in the 9th century. Why it fell into disrepair or was destroyed is not known. [10]

The main sanctuary of Michael has since then been Monte Sant’Angelo in Gargano (Apulia), where the archangel is said to have appeared in 493.

 

    <- https://www.academia.edu/33667086/ , Mario Sensi, Santuari e culto di S. Michele nell'Italia centrale, in P. Bouet - G. Otranto -A. Vauchez (edd.), «Culto e santuari di san Michele nell’Europa medievale. Culte et sanctuaires de saint Michel dans l’Europe médiévale», Bari 2007:

    The Gargano sanctuary: In the West - where the Michaelic cult, already present in environments of more direct Greek influence, has been affirmed since the fifth century. ... before 650, the year that - to put it with Giorgio Otranto - marked the beginning of «that singular and lasting link between the Lombard dynasty and the Michaelic cult "[15]. In fact, before becoming epiphanic, ad instar, that is, on the model of those who proliferated in the east, had been a therapeutic sanctuary [16 - ... As for the therapeutic use of the water of the Gargano known since ancient times, the clarification of Strabo, which affirms how this water was particularly suitable for the therapy of livestock (Strab. Geography, l.VI, ch. III, par. 9)]. The foundation story tells of three epiphanies: bull episode; battle between Neapolitans and Sipontini for possession of the sanctuary; self-consecration of the basilica: events from historiography assigned to the years 490, 492 and 493, on the basis of a passage from the biography of Gelasio I (492-496) - certainly interpolated text - where it is stated that huius temporibus invents est ecclesia sancti Angeli in monte Gargano (= In those times, the Church of the Holy Angel was found on Mount Gargano) [17].
 

    In Rome and inland: When the Byzantines introduced the Micaelic cult to the Gargano, the sanctuary that the Martyrology Geronimiano remembers along the Via Salaria was active in Rome, at the sixth mile - actually VII [19] - and which recent excavations (1997) have identified at Jubilee Castle. ... In this basilica - the oldest Michaelic sanctuary attested in Italy -, the dedication was celebrated on September 29, with a stationary mass. ... in the biography of Pope Simmaco (498-514) reference is made to the expansion of a Michaelic basilica curated by the pontiff who, moreover, basilicam widen.. (базилика увеличилось количество и градос изготовлено и внедрено воды) [22].

The basilica of Salaria dates back to the first third of the fifth century, according to the first review of the Geronimian Martyrology compiled between the years 431-450 [9] , which expressly mentions it, indicating on 29 September its birth, that is the anniversary of the his dedication [10 = 10 . III. Kalendas Octobris:… et dedicat (io) basilic (ae) s (an) cti michaelis . A further and more precise mention of the church also occurs in the same Martyrology handed down by the Bernensis code(of 766-772): III. Kalendas Octobris. Romae. Via Salaria miliario VI. Dedicatio basilicae Angeli Michaelis : in Saxer 2001, p. 249.].

стр. 133: Of this early Christian basilica, the loss of which was taken for granted, a recent excavation on the hill of Castel Giubileo, also known as Mons S. Angeli until the XIII-XIV century, led to the discovery of multiple architectural elements and long stretches of its foundations ... the place of worship recurs in historical martyrologists until the mid-ninth century. After this time there is no news of his presence in the area of ​​Castel Giubileo [15].

стр. 138: The spring one [dies festi] of May 8 is considered already present in the original nucleus of the Old English Martyrology , a liturgical calendar written in Latin, and now lost, composed in Northumbria between 731 and 740 by Acca bishop of Hexham [38] . The invention of the Gargano basilica referring to this day occurs explicitly in its translation in ancient English, written in the 9th century: [ 8 May ]: Discovery of the Basilica of St Michael [39] .

Instead, two Irish martyrologists of the end of the eighth century composed in the monastery of Tallaght are transmitting for the first time the double calendar reference of the Gargano-era Michaelic holidays [40].

стр. 140:
The considerable chronological arch covered by the official relations established between the Sipontine curial circles and the Church of Rome, through shrewd and diligent nuntii [51] , makes it probable that the Apparitio garganica was drawn up in a time after the first review of the Geronimian Martyrology, compiled between 431 and 450 [52] , which came to register in Rome, on via Salaria, the presence of a basilica dedicated to St. Michael, whose anniversary of the dedication fell on 29 September [53].

The testimony of this Martyrology will certainly not have escaped the anonymous author of the Apparitio , who will have carefully considered the opportunity not to mention the Gargano festival and to report its existence only in terms that can be used in another narrative framework. The express indication of May 8 and September 29 as the dies festiexclusives of the Gargano basilica would have actually generated profound perplexity in those who were aware that the autumn festival of 29 September concerned only the day of the dedication of the Roman basilica as already codified and transmitted by the Geronimian Martyrology. In other words, the mention of the two dates could have suggested that the Gargano basilica celebrated, together with May 8, also the autumn festival of September 29, believed to be of exclusive Roman origin. The hypothesis that the silence of the Anonymous of the Apparitio must therefore be advanced was the most suitable choice not to illustrate in a hagiographic operetta, the basic reasons for the common feast day of 29 September which characterized in the fifth century the two best known places of angelic worship in the Italian peninsula.

The quote of different Michaelic holidays would, however, led to the admission of the existence, and therefore of the coexistence, of different Michaelic feast days [54 = Everett 2002, p. 388, reported the failure to indicate the dies festus in the Apparitio to the perplexity of the author to transmit the dates of May 8 and September 29 because public holidays to the Roman basilica and that of the Gargano. The original belonging of these holidays escapes the scholar only to the sanctuary of the Gargano. On Everett's considerations cf. Susi 2012, pp. 317-340: 329.].

<- Everett N. 2002, The “Liber de apparitione s. Michaelis in monte Gargano” and the hagiography of dispossession, “Analecta Bollandiana” 120.

 

 

- Domenico Lassandro: Culti precristiani nella regione garganica  (In: Santuari e politica nel mondo antico, a cura di Marta Sordi, Contributi dell’Istituto di storia antica. v. IX, Milano 1983, 199-209)

 

- Giorgio Otranto: Il “Liber de apparitione”, il santuario di san Michele sul Gargano e i Longobardi del Ducato di Benevento  (In: Santuari e politica nel mondo antico, a cura di Marta Sordi, Contributi dell’Istituto di storia antica. v. IX, Milano 1983, 210-245)

 

 

 

- Carlos Amorim et al.: Understanding 6th-century barbarian social organization and migration through paleogenomics  (Nature Communications, 9 (1), 3547, 2018)  (www.nature.com)
    Ancestry is associated with elements of material culture
In both cemeteries individuals with predominantly central/northern and southern European ancestry possess very distinctive grave furnishings. ... In both Szólád and Collegno individuals with N ancestry were significantly more often buried with grave goods ... In contrast, no S individual was buried with such artifacts, with only two exceptions ... This association between genetic ancestry and material culture is particularly significant for beads (from necklaces and pendants) and food offerings in Szólád, as well as weapons in both Collegno and Szólád.
 

 

---

 

2a. Северна Италия:

 

 

- Francesco Pezza: Profilo della Bulgaria italiana e vicende comitali di Novara nell’alto medioevo  (Bollettino della sezione di Novara, 1935, XXIX, 39-91)

Profile of Italian Bulgaria and Novara's comital events in the early Middle Ages (with three maps)

40:
1. - The famous testament of Queen Angelberga from the year 877, with which she linked the two courts of Bornago and Trecate designated "in comitatu bulgarense" (2) to the monastery of S. Sisto in Piacenza.
2. - The renewal of donation - in compliance with the maternal will - of the court of Bornago always located «in comitatu burgariense», made in 890 by Queen Ermengarda (3).

41:
3. - The concession of Berengario in 919 to the cleric Rotcherio of a fund in Venlicolonne (4) «comitatu Bulgariensi» (5).

44:
Closing the parenthesis three documents therefore nominative only, three diocesan locations in Novara, on this side of Ticino; hence the subalpines undoubtedly assumed or set up Bulgaria between the river and the countryside of Vercelli, divided however by an ephemeral disagreement on the possible original capital (16) , which at first seemed to some, perhaps due to the initial consonance of the word, identifiable in Borgolavezzaro (17) .

45:
Nicolò Colombo (19) was the first, who applied the logical reconstructive deduction, discovering and prescribing the following detailed boundaries for Bulgaria: to the east the Ticino from Bornago to the riparian woods of Gambolò; to the west Gambolò-Mortara-Robbio-Palestro-Sesia-Borgovercelli; to the north, by unnamed trajectory, it merges with the southern edge of the Pombia countryside.

49:
despite the admonition of Giulini from the opposite bank of the river (28) and other minors admonished (29) .

... thanks to the Visconti governments,


(28) Peeling memories of the history of the city and countryside of Milan ed. 1854-57 t. I, 289-90; 579; t. III, 641-49; IV, 180. According to Giulini (t. III, 642)

"The countryside of Bulgaria embraced both banks of the Tesino, from Galliate down to the borders of the Pavesi, bordering to the west with the Novarese and to the south with the district of Milan" or with other words "the jurisdiction of the county of Bulgaria extended for a considerable stretch on both sides of the Tesino ”(ed. 1760, t. I, 372-73).

In the map of the Ager Mediolanensis Medii aevi, annexed to t. VII, 306-07 Bulgaria is represented, besides by a vast Lombard area, by a Piedmontese block extended from Trecate to Oleggio and including the municipalities or localities of Trecate, Galliate, Romentino, Pernate, Cameri, Bornago, Cavagliano, Bellinzago, Oleggio, Castelletto di Monto.

(29) E. Riboldi, The rural counties of the Milanese , in Arch. Stor. Lombard. 1904, vol. Pp. 275-80. At the A. it seems (p. 277) that the Bulgarian countryside was straddling the Ticino and bordering to the north with the committees of Pombia and Seprio, to the east with those of Seprio and Milan, to the south with those of Pavia and Lomello, to the west with that of Pombia and with the domains of the bishop of Novara, thus also including all the Vigevanasco delimited between Ticino Terdobbio and Agogna. Shot resting on Giulini, but obviously concerned not to disappoint the subalpine thesis too much.

50:
from 1355 to 1409, a whole series of provisions of explicit reference to the Bulgarian committee. Notable among others a decree of 1356 on the tax matters of Seprio and Bulgaria (30) ; another on their respective neighborhoods; yet another from 1385 on the organization of captains in the committees of Seprio, Bulgaria, Martesana and Bazana (31) ; a last, from 1409, on the maintenance of the Seprio and Bulgaria bridges (32) .

Evidently the constant combination - in the decrees - of Seprio and Bulgaria, the periodic interference of Martesana and Bazana bring thoughts back to beyond Ticino, to the Milanese. Formal intuition validated by the fourteenth-century chronicle of Galvano Fiamma (33) , according to which the emperor Otto I (here is a return by another way and for other papers to the X century) would have donated the four counties to the Archbishop of Milan in 962, later passed, in 1167, to the legal dependence of that municipality (34) : narration repeated by the historian Bernardino Corio (35).

51:
the official texts of the preliminaries as well as of the peace treaty of Constance of 1183, which in unison reaffirm the following requested and agreed chapter

«Iurisdictionem quam Mediolanenses exercere consueverunt in comitatibus Seprii et Martiane et Burgarie .... et eam quam modo exercent libere et quiete habeant et possideant sine contradictione .... salvis pactis datis et concessionibus que mediolanenses per comune fecerunt civitatibus .... Novarie " etc. (36).

Vivid projection of light supplemented on 11 February 1185 by another imperial concession no less decisive for the purposes of my geographical reconnaissance:

"Concedimus itaque Mediolanensibus omnia regalia, que imperium habet in Archieposcopatu Mediolanensi sive in comitatibus Seprii, Martesanie, Bulgarie, Leucensi, Statione vel in aliis comitatibus" (37),

where the inclusion of Bulgaria in the Milanese Archdiocese is explicitly unsophisticated. We have to quit and believe the official documents! An imperative corollary therefore: the Bulgarian committee was in the large territorial and jurisdictional area of ​​both the municipality and the church of Milan.

54:
The southern limit of the Seprio formed the northern border of Bulgaria, which is in immediate contact with the judicial areas of Magenta and Saronno.

56:
The facts instead show that from the time of Angelberga-Berengario, in which Bulgaria aimed at Bornago, to the cycle of Frederick Barbarossa, the route underwent a contraction, retreating about 5 km to the south, above a second line, the illustrated line of Padregnana, while on the other hand he advanced on the cleared land, along the Lombard bank of the Ticino, the Seprio district. Advance completed before the year 1013 in which the Seprio appears comitally already established in Bornago (48) .

The loss of north-west Bulgaria was perhaps offset in the north-east sector by the annexation of Saranno, which occurred between the 13th and 14th centuries.

Towards the east, ours confused its terms with those of the urban committee of the metropolis, which expanded outside the walls for a short, unspecified radius of kilometers, which, according to Giulini, reached close to Gaggiano.

To the west, the Milanese area was clearly closed by the Ticino: Bulgaria, which was an integral western segment of it, like the upper Sepriense segment, therefore had to run out on this side in the waters of the river.

57:
In summary, Bulgaria bordered to the east with the county proper of Milan, to the south with that of Pavia, to the north with that of the Seprio, to the west with the Ticino: with the documented oscillations of the two borders of Pavia and Sepriense, its surface also varied over time square.

Keeping for a constant average the width of the territory wedged between the Ticino and the Milan committee - on the intermediate directive of Ticino-Abbiategrasso-Gaggiano -, this width can be estimated at approximately 18 km; and calculating respectively in Km. 50; 45; 30 the successive longitudinal distances Bornago-Borgarello; Padregnana-Villamaggiore; Padregnana-Morimondo, the area of ​​Bulgaria, initially of about 900 square kilometers in the century. X, would be schematically reduced in the sec. XII-XIII at Kmq. 810, in the sec. XIV at Kmq. 540.

Compared with the modern districts of the Milanese, the Bulgarian countryside would correspond to the former district of Abbiategrasso. Original central nuclei, as long as the name and the countryside lasted, are to be considered the Abbiatense and Magontina areas; floating nucleus the area of ​​Saranno now in here now in there by the Bulgarian-Sepriense border line of Caronno-Seveso.

60:
The Lombard Bulgaria did not therefore go beyond the Ticino in extenso, in full front; it did not occupy the entire line of the corresponding Piedmontese bank; one perched on it only on the most sensitive and interesting points, it entangled it by means of the three interspersed connections of Bornago, Trecate and Venticolonne. Not without a reason of utilitarian politics. Lacing of river banks means, both in medieval and modern nomenclature, connection, communication, transit. And actually Bornago, Trecate and Venticolonne, the three courts of the dispute, were three river ports, the only three ports on this trunk of the river (52) .

61:
... The symmetrical possession of these bilateral bridgeheads or Ticino ports was always, under any historical climate, one of the pre-eminent objectives of the Milanese policy of commercial or strategic hegemony.

69:
VIII. Bulgaria and Bulgarians.

70:
Gabotto disdainfully rejected Riboldi's doubt (71) on the possibility of onomastic derivation from the unproductive characteristics of the land, more brughiera (= moor) than cultivated fields, in accordance with the nomenclature adopted by the ancient surveyors and tabellioni in the classification of the countryside in pars laborativa and in pars burgaria or brugaria . Of the agrarian distinction, we have found a practical example also in a rural Novara sale drawn up in 970 (72) for Galliate: pecia una de terra plowing field et in aliquid gerba et bercaria , probable mistake instead of burgaria .


71:
Outside the region, of which the Bulgarians had occupied all the vices and which they called Bulgaria, clearly Bulgarian toponymic reminiscences still flourish, such as Bulgarian or Borgovercelli, Bulgaro Grasso near Appiano Comense, Bulgorello near Cadorago also Comense, Bulgarian near Gadesco Cremonese ( 76) , Bolgare near Bergamo. They must be ethnically interpreted not as aberrant eccentric fractions of the count unity of their lineage, but as nuclei detached from their original group and scattered scattered within other circumscriptions.

72:
Lomellino folklore keeps alive an expressive motto, which, going up through the mnemonic twilight of the generations, vaguely reconnects to the very remote concept, which the Latin-Italian people had at the first evaluative contacts to form the Bulgarian variety of the barbarians. Sometimes it happens to hear from the voice of the common people the protest that their own is not the country of the Bourgarè , a historical phrase alluding to the spiritual value of the ancient Bulgarians of Italy, as is still done today with a similar meaning recalling the proverbial indigenous people of Val Brembana, famous a time as the homeland of simple, naive, gullible people, easy to drink big and to be cheated.

It was natural that primitive tribes detached from the famines of the lands or from the desolations of the inhospitable and wild tundras, arrived on the plains of Italy, under the dazzle of the smiles of nature and the cultural splendors of our people, irradiated by agricultural techniques (77) from the art from the doctrine from the dialectic from the most human faith, they felt the revolutionary surprise of the myth of the fairytale land, the promise and burst dreamily into the frank childish wonders of naivety. Dominating minorities dominated by the charm of the civilization of the indigenous majority, politically yoked and apathetic, almost prostrate to the ground under the weight of the great imperial reminiscences! Singular victory of losers! Even the Bulgarians, like the other invaders, beat the same paths of destiny: they began to Christianize and Romanise themselves, to suffer the seductive suck of Italian assimilation.

(77) Bulgarian immigration must be attributed to the introduction of ///an agricultural product called Bulgara or Burgara in medieval maps and which I cannot identify///. In the acts of the Municipality of Milan of Manaresi the Bulgarian is mentioned on p. 210, year 1184; p. 211, an. 1184; p. 372. an. 1204; p. 437 an. 1208; p. 455, an. 1210; p. 460, 1211; and it is always listed together with the vetch, the moco and the lupins - Statuti Novar . c. 270.

83:
But it is also true that in the jumble of royal or imperial diplomas the early anticipations alternate easily with the more delayed postponements. Still in 865 - ninety years after the collapse of the Lombard regime - assets were designated "in iudiciaria Sebriense" (100) ; in 867 "in iudiciaria Mediolanensi" (101) and "in iudiciaria plumbiense", and in 824 also "in ducatu mediolanensi" (102) .

Conversely, a map dated 735 describes properties on the Olona river in the Seprio countryside (103) ;

84:
another of July 737 relating to a monastic foundation specifies that Carate rises «iuxta fluvio Olona comitatum Sepriense» (104); and another from 788 already designates fonds «in comitatu Slationensi» (105).

 

 

- Carlo Ramponi: Saggio di ricerche su Borgolavezzaro capitale del Contado di Bulgaria  (Bollettino della sezione di Novara, XXXVI, 1942, 34-63)

Research essay on Borgolavezzaro capital of the County of Bulgaria

Cat. =  Prato della Val Genga , bordering the Seminary in the morning. Cadastre of Borgolavezzaro (Cat.) of 1651, at the Town Hall of the same Borgo.

40:
An ancient popular tradition has it that the old church of San Lorenzo in Borgolavezzaro, now disappeared, in the territory of Astello and Visù (35) , was in the early days Aryan. If the tradition has any value, we must say that the Lombards residing in Borgo had their own temple there before their conversion.  (35) Cons., vol. 1, pp. 70, vol. II, pp. 339, 339. Cat. pp. 24, 106 bis.

43:
Of the five interesting Roman Municipalities Novarese, Laumellum (Lomello), Novaria (Novara), Plumbia (Pombia), Stationa (Stazzona), and Oxilla (Ossola), the center of Novara and Stazzona moved temporarily, which however retained the title of "City" (52) .

The fact of the suppression of Novara from the center of the Duchy depends not only on the increasing political influence of the bishop residing in the city of S. Gaudenzio,

(52) Ferdinando Gabotto, For the history of Novarese in the Early Middle Ages , in: Bull. St. Prov. of Novara , a. XI, f. I-II, pp. 5 et seq. Idem, The municipalities of Western Italy at the death of Theodosius the Great , in: BSSS , XXXII, III, 303 ff. Idem, History of Western Italy in the Middle Ages , I, c. 2, in: BSSS, LXI, 54, no. 3. The Gabotto absolutely ruled out that Novara was on the Pombia Committee. The opposite sentence is supported by Pezza, in: Geographic profile of Italian Bulgaria in the High Middle Ages , extr. Novara, 1935, pp. 40.

44:
from the pitiful conditions in which the struggles between the barbarians and the Roman or Byzantine emperors threw it. Even before the invasion of the Lombards, the main city of the Novara territory, the episcopal seat, appeared very diminished.

It should be added that in this time the Contado is detached from the city. It will be the desire for greater autonomy, or the need to defend oneself both economically and militarily, in fact the agro is acquiring greater importance (53) . Of Novara incorporated with its territory in the Duchy of Bulgaria, it is no longer spoken until towards the end of the century. X, as the center of a territorial body.

46:
In the Lombard diaspora, the Bulgarians dispersed a little everywhere in northern Italy; numerous in the Novara area (60) ; without ever being able to enjoy the dignity of Arimanni (61) .

Italian Bulgaria.

I. - Giulini began to place the Committee of Bulgaria almost entirely on the left bank of the Ticino, counting it among the four rural committees of Milan. ... Even to Riboldi it seemed that the Bulgarian Committee was reclining as a knight of the Ticino (63) .

II. - The Count of Vesme places Bulgaria in the region between Agogna and Sesia, with Robbio, Palestro, Casalvolone and Borgovercelli.

Garbaix de Sonnaz includes Borgolavezzaro (64) . Subalpine historians such as Dionisotti,

///(60) Gabotto, Per la storia del Novarese nell’Alto Medio Evo, 1917, a. XI, f. MI, pp. 6.///
(61) V. d’Amico, I Bulgari, ecc. pp. 18. Cfr. ///C. Alberto de Gerbaix-Sonnaz, Studi storici sul Contado di Savoia e Marchesato in Italia. Torino, 1883, pp. 44.///

47:
Niccolò and Alessandro Colombo (65) and Gabotto recognized the Committee of Bulgaria on the right bank of the Ticino.
...
III. - According to Pezza, Bulgaria bordered to the east with the Contado proper of Milan, to the south with that of Pavia, to the north with that of Seprio, to the west with Ticino. In total, the illustrious scholar places Ticino as the western border of the Bulgarian Committee (68) .

The knowledge of the question of the location of the Committee is incomplete without the other of the three royal acts that we possess, which are very important for Italian Bulgaria: ...

48:
... The Bulgarian extension on this side of Ticino, as from the interesting documents Bornago, Trecate, Viginti Columne, is explained by Pezza as a development of the Bulgarian-Ambrosian politics. ...

But the citraticinese localities, cited by the Bulgarian maps, cannot be reduced to simple transits, at least for Trecate, an important area since then, and for Viginti Columne, spread over a good part of Vigevanasco, up to the borders of Borgolavezzaro.

49:
Pezza himself knows the mobility of the border line: Bornago, for example, which in the times of Angclberga - Berengario belongs to Bulgaria, in 1013 appears under Seprio.
...
The merit of Pezza consists in having demonstrated the continuity of the Bulgarian Committee up to the Visconti times.

50:
The abbot of the Monastery of Morimondo was established by the emperor Count of Basiliano in the Duchy of Bulgaria, in 1210 (77) .

Rosate in 1270 was under the Lord of Bulgaria, in 1278 it passed to the County of Barzana (78) .

Galeazzo Visconti in 1355 established a vicariate of justice based in Magenta and another based in Saranno in the Bulgarian countryside.

In the work of the Visconti governments, not a few documents concern the Bulgarian Committee, such as a decree of 1356 on tax matters, another on the vici, a third of 1385 on the order of captains, another of 1409 on the maintenance of bridges (79) .

51:
The Bulgarians settled to the west of the country, more especially along the Costa del Montone , the Costaiola and Ranè, almost at the intersection of two Roman roads, Croce and Villa Maris, in the same area Latin Villa Maris and Lombard possessions Ghina and Cavallina, state-owned large estates (Caballicatio).

52:
Due to the same character of aldioni, that is of freedmen and colonists, subjected to the Lombards, the Bulgarians were not naturally tied to the only area where their main center stood (86) . In dialect the term ///bùrgar (Bulgarian) still remains , which means colonial servant, sciavandé (87)///. ( 87 ) The dialect also has tàrtar with the meaning of stubborn.

<- http://www.roberto-crosio.net/1_vercellese/habitat_agricoltura_organizzazione.htm
All'interno delle piccole unità in cui si fraziona il territorio si creano rapporti personali di soggezione, tipico tra tutti quelli della servitù della gleba, di cui resta un curioso ricordo nel termine sciavandé, usato per indicare una figura di lavoratore dipendente.

Piece of sure proof of the settlement of the Bulgarians is the toponym Sant'Andrea .
 

53:
The converted aldioni used to build in their own streets a church dedicated to their projector the Martyr of Patras and the Apostle, St. Andrew. As Christianity took the place of idolatry, the Bulgarian aggregates themselves were called Casali S. Andrea or simply S. Andrea.

It is really interesting that this agiotoponym has also been preserved for the Bulgarian aggregate of Borgolavezzaro. In the middle of the territory they occupied, there is still a field called S. Andrea (93) .

    Seat of the Duchy (Gabotto).

Was Borgolavezzaro then the seat of the Duchy of Bulgaria? The illustrious historian Gabotto ( so nomini nullum par elogium ) explicitly affirms this (94) .

The question of the capital of the Duchy got confused and confused with the other, indeed intimately linked but distinct, of the place from which the Duchy would be called of Bulgaria.

The centers that contend, in the estimation of subalpine historians, for the dignity of Bulgarian ducal see are Borgolavezzaro and Borgovercelli.


(93) ///Cat. Pp. 36, 80 bis. 142//. “Maximum account must be made of the places named by St. Andrew the Apostle. This martyr evangelized Scythiam Europae Epirum ac Traciam (Brev. Rom. Die XXX, Cat. IV). The Thracians, the Epirots, the Dacians, the Avars, the Bulgars, as they passed to Christianity, venerated their Apostle as their chief saint and protector. Today also all the peoples of Tartar blood have a peculiar cradle for it; the Bulgarians, the Magyars, the Russians of the South have adorned their most distinguished orders of chivalry, their most beautiful temples with his name ». D'Amico, The Transmigrated Bulgarians , etc. pp. 20.

(94) Per la Storia del Novarese nell’Alto Medio Evo - La Chiesa di Novara, in: Boll. St. Prov. Novara, a. XII, f. II, p. 64. N. Colombo, Alla ricerca delle origini del nome di Vigevano, Novara, 1899. pp. 100. Novara Sacra 1932, pp. 268-9. Touring Club It.: «Piemonte», vol. I, pp. 205.

59:
It was again in Bulgaria, that is in Borgolavezzaro that, according to the illustrious Gabotto, the seat of the Bulgarian Committee remained until around the year 1000 (112). (112) Per la Storia del Novarese nell’Alto Medio Evo - La Chiesa di Novara, in: Boll. Soc. St. Nov., a. XII, f. II, pp. 64.


61-62:
At the Carolingian period, the Italy of the Franks was divided into five Duchies: ...

Against the ancient teaching of Muratori, it can now be said that the "Marca" in Italy is made up of a plurality of comitates (124) . The Marches in Italy bear the mark of creation of a political nature, not framed in traditional divisions, nor have they created lasting constituencies above the committee. Already in the High Middle Ages they began to disintegrate (125) .

The new Marche were those of Ivrea, Lombardy and Trento, established by Guido in the last part of the 9th century. The Marca di Ivrea, the committees of Ivrea, Vercelli, Santhià, Ossola, Pombia, Stazona, Lomello and Bulgaria; therefore it also included Borgolavezzaro, whatever his position within the boundaries of the Bulgarian Committee.
 

 

- Giuseppe Sergi: Movimento signorile e affermazione ecclesiastica nel contesto distrettuale di Pombia e Novara fra X e XI secolo  (Studi medievali 3a, 16, 1975, 153-206)

(Stately movement and ecclesiastical affirmation in the district context of Pombia and Novara between the X and XI c.)

... the region corresponding to present-day northern Piedmont

154-155: Only for an area like "Bulgaria", whose territorial location along the lower Ticino is difficult to specify, very serious research has been conducted, with some attempted suggestions for more western areas (4).

(4) Example of a specific research on methodologically acceptable Bulgaria, with which even the current medieval studies can be compared, is the study by F. Pezza, Profile of Italian Bulgaria and count of Novara in the early Middle Ages , in Historical Bulletin for the province of Novara , XXIX (1935), pp. 39-91. The problem was resumed with a very careful and prudent analysis by A. Cavanna, Para sala arimannia in the retort of a Lombard vico, Milan, 1967, in particular on pp. 22-45 and related notes, which, having demonstrated the presence of a part of the Bulgarian committee to the right of Ticino, reveals its substantially "enigmatic" character. Tackling these issues Cavanna takes into consideration, especially in some notes, the district problem of Novara to which we will return here (see below, n. 136 ff.).

168: Even in relation to these problems, the Mosezzo court presents aspects of particular interest: very close to Novara and yet documented as belonging to the Pombia committee, seat of relevant patrimonial interests of the holders of the Lomello committee, Mosezzo is a central element of the debate on the existence of the Novara committee of the 10th century, a debate in which theses have also been inserted which tend to attribute the whole area to the controversial and enigmatic committee of Bulgaria (55).

(55) Supporter of this thesis was Gabotto, Per la storia del Novarese cit. (sopra, n. 1), I: Ducati e comitati, in Bollettino storico per la provincia di Novara, XI (1917), p. 11 sg. Gabotto's thesis was contested by Pezza, op. cit. (above, no. 4), p. 74 ff. and from Cognasso, op. cit. (above no. 3), p. 55 ff. He has re-approached Gabotto's thesis, albeit through a more widespread argument, Cavanna, op. cit. (above, no. 4), p. 40 ff.

186: 4. (The episcopal takeover of public districts)

Parallel to the land expansion of the city's ecclesiastical bodies is the growing hegemonic presence of the bishop not only in the city but in a large part of the surrounding territory. A diploma of Ottone I dating from between 969 and 972 had already granted the bishop of Novara jurisdiction over the city and the surrounding territory for a radius of 24 stadiums (130).

188: It is necessary to face the debated problem of the Novara committee: many doubts have been raised about its consistency and its very existence. However, it has often been assumed that in the 9th and 10th centuries Novara was the seat of a committee: it was pointed out that a donation from the bishop of Verona Rataldo, dating back to 813, included, among others, the subscription of a Ricperto «comes civitatis Novariae " (133) . The Novara committee reappears in 999 in a diploma from Empress Adelaide, in which a court is mentioned "Sancti Nazarii in comitatu Novarie prope fluvium Agogne, et in ipsa civitas Novarie" (134). The problem that part of historiography has posed is therefore that of explaining the silence of the sources, which lasted for over a century and a half, on the Novara committee (135) . A decisive turning point in the debate has recently been given by Cavanna (136) . He, in harmony with Hlawitschka, referred to the latest amended edition of that document, where the aforementioned signature appears to be a "Ricperto comitis civitatis Novae" (137). Ricperto was therefore not count of Novara but of Cittanova near Modena. Since this was the only mention of the Novara committee prior to 999, it is no longer a question of explaining a transitory documentary silence, but of ascertaining that in the 9th and 10th centuries, that is, when the committees of Pombia and Bulgaria are mentioned in the Novara papers, none certification can prove the existence of a Novara committee (138) .

189:
It is necessary to ask what the district structure of the Novara area was between the end of the 9th and the end of the 10th century, that is, when the area was included in the unloading area. It is useful to examine some considerations of Cavanna, even if the scholar's attention was more specifically turned to the Lombard age. The starting point is the association, with a combinatorial method, of two historiographical problems and two documentary silences: "just as historical research cannot find a center in Bulgaria, so it encounters serious difficulties in finding a territory in Novaria " (141). Then starting from the consideration that «within and at the edges of theducatus "- the duchy of S. Giulio d'Orta -" apparently the two castle districts of Pombia and Bulgaria had formed all around Novara ", Cavanna states that Novara" could hardly re-enter the Plumbiense territory, which gravitated , as the name clearly implies, around the much more northern castrum Plumbie ", and he continues by observing that" the civitas must then probably have included the Bulgarian territory, that district which seems to have no capital and which various toponymic similarities show not only ecclesiastically linked to Novara...

190:
Novara could thus have become the center of a Bulgarian gastaldato with a completely irregular extension compared to the old municipal plan " (142) . In examining the later age, the scholar states that "it does not worry ... the failure to remember a comes Novariae for Frankish times. The growing area of ​​episcopal power may have created an early retreat of the council powers outside the city and their restriction to the Bulgarian rural territory only " (143) . The conclusion would therefore be oriented towards a primitive belonging of Novara to the Lombard gastaldato of Bulgaria, with the subsequent retreat of this, which becomes "rural countryside in itself, headless and irregular" (144). An episcopal jurisdictional island would remain between two committees, the plumbiense one - in which, according to Cavanna, the city of Novara would never have been included (145) - and the Bulgarian one.

191:
Mosezzo was about eight kilometers north-west of Novara, therefore very close to the city, and there is no similar attestation of counts of Bulgaria operating in the 10th century in areas so close to Novara, even if a certainly Bulgarian locality, Trecate, is home to bishop's assets and is about ten kilometers east of Novara (149). This last attestation would seem to suggest that the episcopal city was on the border between the committees of Pombia and Bulgaria, the first to the north-west and the second to the east. But the territory of Trecate must have been the most advanced point of the Bulgarian committee towards Novara, as evidenced by the existence of some localities which, despite being east of Novara, are clearly attested as belonging to the Pombia committee :, Peniate, Terdobbiate, Cameri, Galliate, Nibbiola (150) . Novara therefore appears in the 10th century completely surrounded by the Plumbiense territory, even if it is not far from a border section of the Bulgarian committee.

193:
It must be consistently concluded that the area of ​​episcopal jurisdiction most likely did not even reach the borders of the Bulgarian committee, and was all cut out within the Pombia committee.

 

 

- Ezio Riboldi: I Contadi Rurali del Milanese (sec. IX-XII)  (Archivio Storico Lombardo : Giornale della società storica lombarda, 1904)

 

 

 

---

 

3. Молиз:

 

 

- Александър Николов, Alzeco, dux Vulgarum и заселванията на прабългари в Италия  ("Българско средновековие: общество, власт, история", София, 2013, 157-169)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

 

    стр. 159: Трето независимо споменаване на името на Алцеко откриваме в „Хрониката от Монте Касино“, съставена между 867 и 920 г., от анонимни автори. В нейния пролог се коментира накратко завоюването на
Италия от лангобардите на крал Албоин и отбелязва следното:
„След като така овладели Италия, отправили се и навлезли в Беневент, за да го заселят. Като техен водач обаче се изявил очевидно Архангел Михаил, предводител на небесното войнство, и неаполитанците били привлечени към вярата, а Алцек Българина със своите люде бил приет за заселване. След като лангобардите надделели над римското и гръцкото население, овладели наедно цялата Беневентска област“ [6 = Chronica Sancti Benedicti Casinensis ed. Georg Waitz, – MGH SS rerum Langobardicarum, Hannover 1878, 468–488, 469 ].

    <- че "неаполитанците били привлечени към вярата" явно е позоваване към лангобардската легенда за Архангел Михаил. Да се погледне в тази легенда пише ли за Алцек/българи/славяни!

 

        "Князът на славяните, Алциеко", "Alcieco, dux Sclavorum" в Chronicon Salernitanum (974 г.)

    <- http://rm.univr.it/didattica/fonti/anto_cam/chrosalern/141-150chrosalern.htm#141-150 "142*.

    Defunto autem Lamberto, filio Guidonis senioris, filiorum suorum Spolecium reliquit; quo eciam decedente, Guido iunior Spolecium et Camerinum suscipiens, cum Agarenis in Sepino, ubi olim a Romualdo principe Alcieco, dux Sclavorum, constitutus [est] fuit, castrametatus, pacem fecit, obsidibus datis et acceptis; cuius eciam tempore non modica monasteria urbesque et oppida a Saracenis capta et exusta sunt."

    След като умрял Ламберт, синът на Гуидо Стари, последният оставил на синовете си Сполетум. След като и той се споминал, Гуидо Млади получил Сполетум и Камеринум, разположил се на лагер и сключил мир с агаряните в Сепинум, където някога бил настанен от Ромуалд, князът на славяните Алциеко, след като били дадени и взети заложници. По негово време доста манастири, градове и крепости били завзети и разорени от сарацините. Изпратил и пратеничество в Константинопол и взел пари незаконно. Поради това бил заловен от августа Карл ІІІ и ако не бил избягал, щял да бъде обезглавен“ [5].

    <- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guy_III_of_Spoleto : In 883, Guy inherited his nephew's title of Spoleto and reunited the dukedom, henceforth as the "Duchy of Spoleto and Camerino" bearing the title of dux et marchio, and by the end of 884, Emperor Charles III was forced to make peace with Guy, where he formally recovered his titles.[8] Then in 885, he fought his occasional allies, the Saracens of the Garigliano.

 

    <- http://rm.univr.it/didattica/fonti/anto_cam/chrosalern/31-40chrosalern.htm#31-40 : 34. Denuo de eiusdem Karoli humilitate dicere cupio. Ipseiam dictus, ut nuper diximus, dum ab eo eiusque exercitus mensisunius die Martis capta esset Papiam, Romam venit, ibidemintroybit, et ab Adriano papa in capite eius, ut retro redeam,preciosam imposita est coronam. Ipso denique tempore imperatorqui preerat, eidem Karoli huiusmodi epistola misit:
"Imperator augustus patricio Karolo salutes. Scias quia dirigotibi aureos centum milia; rursum si ad me veneris, do tibi millemilia et totam ex topacion coronam, insuper et sex milia miliariade terra Asie, quin eciam et super omnes patricios meos tecollocabo; legionem Vulgarorum unam, et Persarum alteram, Armeniarumque terciam; qui eiciant Normannos de Europasubiciantque tibi Asie regna omnia. Vale mi prime consul."

 

    <- http://rm.univr.it/didattica/fonti/anto_cam/chrosalern/101-110chrosalern.htm#101-110 : Sed nec hoc ammiracione caret, quod asseris, principem Arabum Protosimbolum dici, cum in voluminibus nostris nichil tale repperiatur, et vestri codices modo Architon modo Regem vel alio quolibet vocabulo nuncupent. Verum nos omnibus licteris scripturas sacras preferimus, que per David non protosimbulos, set reges Arabum et Saba proficere confitentur. Chaganum vero nos prelatum Avarum, non Gazanorum aut Nortmannorum nuncupari repperimus, neque principem Vulgarum, sed regem, vel dominum Vulgarum. Que omnia idcirco dicimus, ut quam aliter se habeant que scripsisti, legens in Grecis voluminibus ipse cognoscas; quos nimirum suis cognominibus acquiescere perhibes, nec tamen propria ipsorum cognomina recolis.

    ( And we find that the leader of the Avars is called the Khan, but not those of the Gazaninor of the Vikings (Nortmanni). Nor is the leader of the Bulgars called a prince, but rather the king or lord of the Bulgars. )

     ( у арабов и Савы (Saba) благополучно существовали не протосимвулы, а короли [7]. Хаганом (chaganus) же, как убеждаемся, звался предводитель (praelatus) авар (Avares) [8], а не хазар (Gasani) [9] или норманнов (Nortmanni) [10], а также не правитель (princeps) болгар (Vulgares), а король или государь (dominus) болгар.)

 

    <- https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%A1%D0%B0%D0%BB%D0%B5%D1%80%D0%BD%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%8F_%D1%85%D1%80%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%BA%D0%B0

    <- http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus17/Chr_Salernitanum/frametext2.htm

    <- file:///c:/kroraina/knigi/libi/2/gal/2_328.html    

The Footprints of Michael the Archangel The Formation and Diffusion of a Saintly Cult, c. 300-c. 800 by John Charles Arnold (z-lib.org).pdf :

стр. 67: The hagiographical Liber de apparitione de Sancti Michaelis in Monte Gargano narrates this account of a cult site that gained prominence within the context of the Gothic War (535–554). The emperor Justinian I instigated hostilities to oust the Arian Ostrogothic dynasty, which had begun to rule Italy in 493. During the middle of the sixth century craftsmen and builders

стр. 68: with some connection to the imperial cause undertook a large-scale building project at the mountain. The Garganic caverns became a sanctuary of sufficient size to host large numbers of pilgrims. These visitors appealed to the archangel in the presence of the little red cape and footprints, relics that resonated with imperial and eucharistic associations. These traces of angelic authority, along with the building itself, attested to Michael’s position as Orthodox Victor. As Gothic forces besieged Rome held by imperial armies, Pope Vigilius plausibly composed masses in Michael’s honor, recognizing the archangel as a guardian of purified spaces, an intercessor for the people, and the principal supporter of the Trinity. The Archistrategos vanquished heretical armies to establish correct Christianity.

    <- https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Golden_Legend ; https://catholicsaints.info/the-golden-legend-the-feast-of-saint-michael/ ; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liber_de_apparitione_Sancti_Michaelis ; https://www.heroicage.org/issues/10/arnold.html (John Charles Arnold, The Revelatio Ecclesiae de Sancti Michaelis and the Mediterranean Origins of Mont St.-Michel, 2007); http://sangiovannirotondofree.it/2017/05/08/il-gargano-la-montagna-dellarcangelo-michele-8-maggio-anniversario-della-prima-apparizione/

 

    <- http://www.montesantangelo.info/index.php/giuseppe-piemontese/28-monte-sant-angelo/giuseppe-piemontese - не е споменат нито от John Arnold, нито от Richard Johnson, а има публикувано няколко книги по въпроса:

    -

 

- Raffaele Sardella, «Castropignano». Studio sugli aspetti storici, folkloristici, sociali ed economici di un comune del Mezzogiorno  (Sora 1988)

    стр. 22-23: 8. TRACKS OF BULGAR COSTUMANCES IN CASTROPIGNANO AND OTHER CENTERS OF ABRUZZO AND MOLISE

One of the most ancient customs of the Bulgarian civilization of Castropignano is perhaps that of carrying vessels on the head. This use still survives in Naples where, as mentioned above, Bulgarian colonies emigrated ... it is observed that while Roman and Greek women carried amphora on their shoulders - and perhaps also Samnite women who came in contact with the Greek civilization of Naples and the surrounding area - women of Bulgarian origin carried basins of water and other weights on the head.

Witness of this fact was Ovid, the great Latin poet of Sulmona. Ovid, from that distant land of exile that was Tomi (today's Crimean city, on the Black Sea, falling in the area of ​​origin of the Bulgarians) wrote that the women of those parts used to wear water on their heads ..... suppositoque gravem vertex portat aquam ..... (here the woman) carries heavy water on her head. Until a few years ago the women of Castropignano wore not only the characteristic "tine" or basins full of water, but also the children in the heavy wooden cradle, stuff to eat and more. The original "transport of the dowry", a sort of truly picturesque, perhaps unique, parade in Molise may also be linked to this custom.

 

 

- Bruno Sardella, Esperienze di survey: Castropignano  (G. De Benedittis (a cura di), Molise. Esperienze di survey. Riccia-Oratino-Castropignano, Istituto Regionale per gli Studi Storici del Molise, Isernia, 2008)  (.pdf файл, 22 Мб, от www.academia.edu/1885435)
    стр. 143: A definitive phase of decline has begun since the beginning of the 5th century163. In 410 AD Alaric's Visigoths arrive in Italy plundering Rome and the South, so much so that Honorius, in AD 413, with a decree reduces the contributions to a fifth poured from Sannio, Tuscia, Piceno, Apulia, Calabria, Bruttium and Lucania [164]. Later, to accelerate the deterioration both the loss of a stable central power and the Greek-Gothic war contributed to the situation (535-554 AD) [165], which with twenty years of fighting procured the definitive degeneration of an economic context and demographic already precarious.

The information we have for Saepinum, certainly more numerous than other municipalities in Sannio, indicate that between the sixth and seventh centuries most of the buildings are in ruins, some neighborhoods are abandoned and the Forum it begins to break down [166], while the theater, used during the fifth century as a dump, between the 6th and the 7th century is occupied from scattered burials [167]. These indications of a marked decline are perhaps to be extended also to other municipalities, such as Tereventum and Fagifulae, although for now there is no confirmation from archeology.

167. CAPPELLETTI 1988. Paolo Diacono, describing the situation of the area sepinate in 667 AD, speaks of deserted places and in total abandonment, so that Lombard dukes, to demographically revitalize the territory, assigned to the Bulgarian Alzecone Bojano, Sepino, Isernia and other civitates cum suis territoriis. See PAULI DIACONI, Hist. Lang., V, 29. Among the territories mentioned Paolo Diacono speaks it is likely that were included also those of neighbors municipalities of Tereventum and Fagifulae.

 

 

 

 

- Berengario Galileo Amorosa, Riccia nella Storia e nel Folk-lore  (Casalbordino, 1903, 1987)

p. 39: The Schiavoni. - Died Arechi in 641, his son Aione succeeded him in the regiment of the Duchy; and it was precisely in this year that a fact of no small importance for our country took place. From the coasts of Dalmatia, some peoples originating in European Sarmatia, called Schiavoni, landed in Siponto. Thirsty for prey, they began to raid Puglia; and since this region had been largely aggregated to the Benevento Duchy, Aione gathered all the troops it could, and ran to oppose the invaders. Coming to battle at the Ofanto river, he was suddenly taken by the enemy in an ambush, so that, fallen into a ditch, he was miserably killed. Easy victory brought the Schiavoni over an army devoid of its leader, but they did not enjoy the fruits for long. Taken power by Radoaldo, the adopted brother of the killed Aione, in the following year the new Duke organized the revenge, and rushed to Puglia. Open negotiations with the enemies, he was able to deceive them, talking with them in their own language that he had learned in Friuli, his homeland; then he fell upon them and made a harsh slaughter.
 

The few lucky Schiavoni, who escaped the massacre, were saved by following the direction of the Ofanto, and then, having entered the Fortore valley, they traveled for a good distance in order to seek refuge. Arriving under the walls of Riccia, they asked the inhabitants for hospitality, ... The Riccesi, who had a very limited inhabited area which was sufficient only for their needs, ... did not reject it, but allowed it to remain outside the enclosure of the town, ... where building areas were granted and building materials. Thus new buildings were built where the Schiavoni could stay and naturalize.

p. 156: In Riccia, ..., two others [churches] founded Schiavoni in that of SS. Annunziata, and much later the other of S.a Maria del Suffragio was organized.

p. 165: In 1616 D. Bartolomeo Schiavone archpriest in Toro and D. Tullio Aderisio archpriest of S. Giovanni, both Riccesi, commuted their care with Bolla of said date, being Archbishop of Benevento Alessandro de Sangro.

p. 168: Finally, we give the list of the Archpriests of the Assunta/Assumption from 1568, since there is no other information prior to that era.

1st Marzio Clemente from 1568 to 1596;
2nd Berardino Schiavone from 1596 to 1607;
3rd Abbot Francesco Regio from 1607 to 1616;
4th Francesco Mastrocinque from 1616 to 1638;
5th Abbot Youth Nicola Schiavone from 1638 to 1645;

 

p. 171: From a few sheets of a manuscript entitled Memorie della fondazione della Chiesa della SS. Annunziata, and which goes back to 1585, we report verbatim: "The Holy Church of the Assunta/Annunciation of the Riccia ... began in the year 1378, when in the rebellions of the Kingdom many strangers of this kingdom and also many of Schiavonia came: or to live in this land."

p. 341-342: Il Cardinale Orsini, che, oltre all’essere un prelato così illustre da diventar papa, fu anche un vescovo civilizzatore, in un’appendice al suo LI Editto, condannò e proibì i seguenti atti superstiziosi, che si praticavano in Riccia. ...

III. — « Nel primo giorno di marzo ligare legare (?) alla zitella il polso sinistro col filo bianco tinto nella viola colta con mano parimenti sinistra, il che fanno, affinchè divenga bianca la carne delle fanciulle, e non soggiaccia alle scottature del sole ».

    Cardinal Orsini, who, in addition to being such an illustrious prelate to become pope, was also a civilizing bishop, in an appendix to his LI Edict, condemned and prohibited the following superstitious acts, which were practiced in Riccia. ... III. - «On the first day of March, tie the left wrist to the spinster (стара мома) with the white thread dyed in the purple, also with the left hand, which they do, so that the flesh of the girls turns white, and does not undergo the sunburn».

http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/papa-benedetto-xiii_(Dizionario-Biografico) 

https://www.roangelo.net/molise/riccia.html

SS. Annunziata. - It's only one nave, and its foundation dates back to the fourteenth century - perhaps to 1378 - "when in the rebellions of the Kingdom many foreigners of that kingdom and many of Schiavonia also came to live in this land" as we learn from a manuscript of 1585.

 

За мартениците: ( http://clubs.dir.bg/showflat.php?Board=maked&Number=1954795821&page=0&view=collapsed&sb=5&part=all&vc=1 )

Сред най-ранните извори за правене и носене на ейресионе на Балканите е римският автор Лутаций Плацид, живял по времето на император Теодосий I (379 – 395), който е оставил описание, в което клонче с вплетени червени и бели нишки се носи на празник посветен на богинята Атина Палада.

 

- Francesco D’Ovidio. Ricerche, storia, personaggi e luoghi del Molise. hrsg. von Renato Lalli, Campobasso 1990

- Neri P., 1996, Il Molise nel 700, Campobasso.

 

 

- Giambattista Masciotta, Il Molise dalle origini ai nostri giorni. Vol. I, La provincia del Molise  (Napoli, 1914)  (откъси)

    Глава 13, Стр. 133: the town hall (comunello) or feud of Molise, is not mentioned in the Borrelli catalog of the barons of 1187. ...

And here comes a problem that has never appeared in the minds of historians. Couldn't the Molisio family be the same as the one that had the progenitor Alczeco, which became indigenous in fact after four centuries of immigration and sedentary lifestyle?

True, it is impossible to be able to demonstrate the continuity of the Slavic lineage; but logic does not allow this continuity to be discarded with a priori sentence, all the more since it was a matter of a filiation of only four centuries. The descendants of Alczeco, as and for these, have remained unknown to us in names and events; but there is no document, no hint in history, no testimony of an author alluding to the loss they had made of the domains, or to the extinction of the lineage.

In the documents, in the diplomas, in the histories related to the XI century, we find also indifferently used the denominations of Count of Molise, Count of Boiano and Count of Isernia: fact not free of importance, because it can attest that the ancient Slavic-pentranic feudal family, created by the Longobards, survived in numerous offshoots at the beginning of the Norman period;

 

- Emilia Sarno, Campobasso da castrum a città murattiana. Un percorso nella geografia storica  (Aracne, Roma 2012)  (откъс)

    str. 64:
    They are led by the geographer Edrisi who compiles the "geographical description of the world", entitled The Book of the King Roger. Edrisi identifies the cities on the basis of settlement characteristics, size and population, but does not recognize them for example in the Sannio area [24]. If the work demonstrates how the Normans considered it important to appropriate the geography of the South to make it into a single kingdom (Matthew, 2008), it indirectly suggests that inland areas were the most difficult to control.

 

- Giandomenico Magliano, Larino. Considerazioni storiche sulla città di Larino  (Campobasso 1895)  (откъс)

    стр. 240-1: The precise era in which S. Felice was built, called Slavic because of the nationality of its inhabitants, is unknown. However, it is certain that it existed at the time of the Normans, since in the Catalog of the Barons read:

 

        Filii domini Mattheus de Sancto Agapito tenent bivitellum de belidonia et sanctum Felicem in Pic. quod est feudum I militis.

      (Matthew is the son of St Agapitus hold bivitellum of the belidonia and St. Felix Pie. The fee is 1 soldier.)

Taken then Dalmatia in the mid-seventh century, they came to us, disembarking at Manfredonia then called Siponto. It was on the throne of the dukes of Benevento, Aione son of Arechi, who met them with powerful army and the Schiavali reported a complete victory and killed Aione himself as a river passed. But it was not on that occasion that the Slavs settled among us. Archbishop Sarnelli (Sipontini Bishops) reports that they landed in Vico and Peschici at the time of Emperor Otto, who called them, with their king Sueropilo, to drive out the Saracens who settled in the Gargano. Said king was converted to Christianity and baptized with his Slavs in the time of Hadrian II. (Colenucci Lib. II)
 

It should be assumed that in this circumstance the Slav colonies were established among us, especially in Castelnuovo di Capitanata, therefore called in the Quinternioni Castrum Selavorum and in Castelluccio, as is proven by the Catalog of the Barons mentioned several times in which we read:
 

        Dominus Rogerius de Parisio tenet Castelluccium de Selavorum, quae sunt feuda II. militum et tenet Petra Montis Corvino, quod est feudum I militis.

        (Roger of Paris holds Castells of the quail, which are duties 2. To that Corvinus the rock of the mountain, and doth hold of the soldiers, which is a fee, and 1 of a soldier.)

And this Castelluccio must be the current Castelmauro, as it is in the said Catalog reported among the fiefdoms of Capitanata together with S. Martino, Guglionesi, and Campomarino etc. Today Castelmauro is no longer inhabited by Slavic people, but the tradition that it was in past times is still alive and there are memories of some inscriptions, which affirmed this fact and which were unfortunately dispersed.

There is no shortage of writers who attribute to the establishment of the Slavs among us, a more recent date, and want them to have come with the Albanians at the time of Scanderberg. They deduce this from being close, Slavic and Albanian colonies, and more from the language spoken by our Slavs, which seems to be the one spoken in the fifteenth century, by the Slavs of the Danube. History does not exclude that Schiavoni came to Italy with the Albanians. It is therefore probable that most of these Schiavoni gathered in the Slavic Colonies which existed among us, and they would have to modify the older language which was spoken in these countries. In a bull of Boniface VIII, (Bossio Stor. Gen. Ord. S. Giov. Geros.) Of 1297 we find indicated "Castrum Acquacvivae cum vassallis Schlavonis etc.". And this bubble, which is found reported in volume II, p. 117 of the letters of this Pope, is the most authentic proof of our affirmation.

From Castelluccio they spread to the surrounding places, called by the feudal lords, eager to have such valiant warriors at their service and so they were, as is to be assumed, built Tavenna, Acquaviva, S. Giacomo, S. Felice and Ripalta inhabited as you know from Slavs. Palata was also inhabited by Slavs, but these only obtained hospitality, as read in a plaque on the church they built out of gratitude.

...
At the beginning of the fifteenth century we find it (S. Felice) mentioned among the lands and farmhouses (casali) of Giovanni Orsini in the diploma of Giovanna II, with which this Queen confirmed in 1417 the said Giovanni in the office of his Captain General for the land of the Sicilian Valley in Abruzzo, and for the city of Larino and Castri Sancti Felici. It is presumable that this farmhouse was inhabited by the Slavs, called by the Orsini, Lords of Larino (b).


(b) Much more recent must be considered the construction of Montemitro, a municipality now joined to that of S. Felice. It was mentioned for the first time in the numbering of 1595, which was of fires 34; in that of 1648 it is reported for fires 32, with the denomination of S. Lucia and Montemitro; in that of 1669 it is reported for fires 24, with the denomination of S. Lucia Montemitro.

In 1650 perhaps the plague had to make it uninhabited, otherwise Salvatore Finto would have mentioned it in his minute description of that district.

 

 

- Claudio Palumbo: Isernia dal V al XVIII secolo  (ArcheoMolise, 30, IX, 2018)

    30-31: The socio-political scenario that is demonstrated by the passage from the Late Ancient to the Early Middle Ages - the centuries from the V to the VII AD - is mainly characterized by a sort of persistent haze, slow to escape, if we consider only twelve years of permanence of the Visigoths, two of the Vandals, seventeen of the Heruli, forty-seven of the Goths, thirty of the Greeks, together with the impetus of the first Lombard advance, certainly did not contribute to the prosperity of our populations.

    32: Isernia is not immune from the sad events mentioned. In the second half of the fifth century he knows the devastating fury of the Vandals of Genseric and in the first half of the sixth century, although he spontaneously opened up to the troops of general Belisarius, sent by the emperor Justinian to sweep the last presences of Heruli, Goths and Rugi, substantially does not know a significant revival, for which we will have to wait for the Lombard age, with the arrival of the Slavic Alczeco, initiator, as is known, in the second half of the seventh century, of that steward of the Duchy of Benevento (later comitatus in age of the principality of Benevento), the territory from Sepino to Isernia - with the centrality of Boiano - which later, in the Norman age, will become the Comitatus Molisii. The birth of the Lombard gastaldato of Isernia dates back to 667. The city became a center of increasing importance and prestige, also due to the undeniable contribution of the Benedictine monks, to whom the Lombards grant lands and privileges because of their important religious and civilizing work. . The establishment of the great abbey ad fontes Vulturni , at the beginning of the 8th century AD, and the proximity of Montecassino, will guarantee this imposing and vital work in our populations. As of June 766, as per the document of the Chronicon vulturnense, the existence of the monastery of Santa Maria delle Monache is attested, a remarkable female Benedictine monastic complex, of which today we can admire only what the last world war left us. On that date the Duke of Benevento, Godescalco, donated some goods to the monastery, for the benefit of his wife Anna, eager to retire within the walls of the monastery, and of the servants of the monastery. According to a bull, of questionable authenticity, by Pope John IV, the monastery of S. Maria was built at the time of Arechi I of Benevento (594-604) and placed, together with the population that gravitated around it, under the patronage of Landenolfo.

As for the establishment of a bishopric, according to Mattei, this would already be attested at the end of the fifth century due to the presence at the well-known two Roman council meetings, called by Pope Simmaco for the years 499 and 501, respectively of the bishops Mario and Innocenzo. Lanzoni, on the other hand, given the insecure identification of the aforementioned bishops for Isernia, would more likely see the seventh century as the historical baptismal date of the diocese, due to the Iserni episcopal succession which shows, starting from this period, its constant succession.

    33: Natural and social calamities weigh heavily on the contextual slow recovery of the populations of our territory, in the period following the establishment of the Iserni gastalato. To remember at least the earthquake of 847, the destruction wrought by the Saracens in 860 - twenty years before the other terrible carnage that will irreparably mark the decline of the monastery of S. Vincenzo al Volturno - and the dismemberment of the Lombard duchy of Benevento from which Salerno in 849 and Capua in 860 will be detached, from which the last Isernia will have recognized the prerogative of county. Precisely in 964 - as we read in the contemporary parchment jealously guarded in the capitular archive of the cathedral - Pandolfo I Capodiferro, prince of Capua, assigns the committee (county) of Isernia to his cousin Landolfo the Greek "integram Civitatem Iserniensem cum tota pertinentia his», As a donation, therefore free from any vassal dependence (albeit within a central state), of a large territory whose ends rejoined in Mount Miletto (Matese), after having touched Castelpetroso, Macchiagodena, Alto Trigno, Staffoli , Capracotta, Sant'Angelo del Pesco, the Sangro river, Pizzone, the Volturno and the Sava stream, Gallo Matese, Secine (between Letino and Roccamandolfi). To Landenolfo, son of Landolfo the Greek, and to his wife Gemma we owe advantageous urban interventions, such as the restructuring of the monastery of Santa Maria delle Monache and the better organization of the Sant'Angelo - Porta Castello village. After the one wanted by Capodiferro, a new circumscriptional design will later concern the diocese. In 1032, in fact, under the bishop Gerardo and by decree, assigned by some to 1048,

With the advent of the Normans, after the earthquakes of 1120 and 1139, and with the establishment, by these new lords from beyond the Alps, of the county of Molise (de Mulisio, 1142), Isernia was enclosed in this new district and he knows again that vassalite feudal relationship on which the project of unification of our peninsula under the Norman monarchy is based.

 

- Ulderico Iorillo, Enza Zullo: L'evoluzione urbanistica d'Isernia tra l'alto medioevo e l'età contemporanea  (ArcheoMolise, 30, IX, 2018)

    47: The early Middle Ages

Archaeological investigations and documents allow us to state that over the centuries from the seventh to the ninth Isernia was affected by a revitalization testified by the birth of the churches of Santa Maria delle Monache, the first cathedral and Sant'Angelo (fig. 1). In this sense it is believed that the rebirth of our city is due to the Lombard domination when its power was stable enough to allow a civil and religious organization.

In re-proposing the hypothesis formulated by Pagano, who recognizes in the area of ​​today's cathedral an arch with two temples located in the highest part of the town almost completely abandoned in the early Christian era, a picture is outlined in which the first evident signs of reconstruction of the city fabric attributable to the Lombard conquerors departed from the area of ​​Santa Maria delle Monache, with good probability since the seventh century. The inhabited area, considerably reduced in the early Middle Ages, was therefore concentrated in the area of ​​the presumed forum, gravitating, in fact, in the Sant'Angelo district, around the monumental complex of Santa Maria delle Monache. Only the discovery of a cocciopesto tank generally considered from late antiquity (today torn and placed in the main nave of the church of Santa Maria delle Monache) can help us to support the idea that a small community, concentrated in this area, continued to inhabit the city even in its period of maximum abandonment . The repopulation of Isernia between the VII-VIII century therefore seems to have affected the lower part of the city. In a subsequent period, the expansion of the urban fabric also included the current cathedral.

Archaeological excavations have confirmed the superimposition of the first Christian basilica to the pagan temple with the apse area facing south according to the orientation of the temple, and not to the north, as the second building of the church and as the current church. In a phase of modernization of the cathedral, perhaps after the earthquake of 847, it was equipped with two pastophorias, one of which was to house a baptismal font, of which some traces remain. The diaconicon housed what is commonly considered a crypt, despite the fact that the space is not large enough for a place of worship and therefore it can be assumed that we are facing, rather, a privileged burial (fig. 2). Also to the Lombard conquerors we owe the construction of Santa Maria Assunta with its crypt,

    48: The exact foundation date of the church of Santa Maria Assunta is not known, but the adjacent monastery is attested as early as 738, the year in which the prince of Benevento Godescalco donated some goods so that his wife Anna spent a monastic life in that place. From the analysis of the archaeological ground on which the Christian building rests, and following the discovery of the base of a wall built with various materials, it has been hypothesized that the first Lombard church was much smaller than the current one and with a single hall.

Between the early and late Middle Ages, the church of Santa Maria delle Monache was the subject of an important reconstruction work which completely changed its appearance.

The testimonies relating to the reconstruction by Landenolfo come to us from a privilege dated 1004, in which Pope John XVIII acknowledged that he had restored the church of Santa Maria. Furthermore, two epigraphic attestations present in situ confirm the works carried out by Landenolfo.

 

- Francesco D’Ovidio. Ricerche, storia, personaggi e luoghi del Molise. hrsg. von Renato Lalli, Campobasso 1990

- Neri P., 1996, Il Molise nel 700, Campobasso.

 

 

- Шамиль Рахматович Мингазов:
    - Наследники Великой Болгарии в Западной Европе  (Филология и культура. Philology and Culture, 1, 27, 2012)

Хорватский ученый Э.Херцак считает возможным влияние этнонима болгар на возникновение некоторых итальянских топонимов: Bulgheria в Компании, Bolgare в Ломбардии, Bolgheri в Тоскане [39]. Итальянский исследователь Э.Серени также связывает возникновение тосканского топонима Bolgheri с этнонимом болгар [40: 455]. Немецкий историк Х.Кунстманн приводит схожие топонимы в Моравии (Pulgram/Bulhary), Саксонии (Poigern) и Австрии (Pulgarn) [18: 24-27], Х.Вольфрам также указывает австрийский Pulgarn [12: 95].

Исследователями допускается, что в Беневенто болгарами могло быть основано несколько современных населенных пунктов, в числе которых Gallo Matese и Letino, а ставка хана находилась у Molisan Cantalupo. Алзек мог быть местным «гаштальдом» [39]. Британский историк XIX в. Т.Ходжкин указывает, что такое расположение болгарских подразделений могло свидетельствовать о готовности лангобардского герцогства Беневенто к отражению нападений из Рима и Неаполя [50: 283-285].

Археологические памятники в Беневенто, возможно оставленные болгарами, были обнаружены в конце XX века в районе Сепино (Sepinum, Sepino), Бойано (Bovianum, Bojano) и Изернии (Iserniam, Isernia, Aesernia) [51: 98-100].

Погребальный обряд, имеющий прямые аналогии среди древностей степной Евразии, позволил исследователям предположительно связать некрополи с пребываем в этом районе болгар. В частности, итальянский археолог Б.Генито увидел такие подобия в описаниях погребений различных тюркских народов, описанных Ибн Фадланом во время путешествия в Волжскую Болгарию (Булгарию) [54: 286].

Кроме различных видов оружия, эти погребения содержат находки стремян аварского типа [55], которые могут служить маркером тюркских захоронений (??) того времени в Италии, поскольку традиция их использования была принесена в Европу аварами и болгарами в VI-VII вв.


18. Kunstmann H. Vorläufige Untersuchungen über den bairischen Bulgarenmord von 631/632 // Slavistische Beiträge. – Munchen: Verlag Otto Sagner, 1982. – Bd.159. – 106 s.

 

 

    - Болгары Алзеко в Баварии, Карантании и Италии как пример автономной части этнокультурной общности  (Восточная Европа в древности и средневековье, XXIX, Москва 2017)

Поселения болгар в Беневенто были расположены для отражения нападений из Рима и Неаполя (Hodgkin 1895. P. 283—285; De Marchi 1995. P. 45). Герцог (dux) Алзеко стал первым правителем Молизе — гаштальдом (Hersak 2001), а позже на землях болгар, выкупленных в 878 г., будет основан г. Кампобассо (Sarno 2012. P. 55—56, 67; Polverari 2014. P. 48).

 

Сведения о болгарах Алзеко получили археологическое подтверждение — начиная с 1987 г. в районе Кампокиаро (Campochiaro) были обнаружены два больших некрополя — Виченне (Vicenne) и Моррионе (Morrione) (Genito 1997; Ceglia 2012). Открыто более 300 захоронений, из которых более двух десятков с боевыми конями. Полная рыцарская амуниция с конем была представлена в погребении 33 некрополя Виченне (Arslan 2000). О военной службе свидетельствуют мечи, кинжалы, копья, наконечники стрел и т.д.; характер травм, установленный остеологическими исследованиями (Rubini 2011); изменения в суставах, которые могут быть связаны с верховой ездой и применением меча и щита (Belcastro, Facchini 2004. P. 139, 143; Rubini 2004. P. 155—156). Нумизматический материал некрополей совпадает со сведениями о времени переселения болгар Алзеко (Arslan 2004. P. 104, 122).

 

Захоронения Кампокиаро резко отличаются своим культурным обликом и показывают прочные связи с населением центральноазиатского происхождения (Ceglia, Marchetta 2012. P. 217, 221).

Ceglia V., Marchetta I. Nuovi dati dalla necropoli di Vicenne a Campochiaro // La trasformazione del mondo romano e le grandi migrazioni. Nuovi popoli dall’Europa settentrionale e centro-orientale alle coste del Mediterraneo. Cimitile, 2012. P. 217-238.

 

Sarno E. Campobasso da castrum a citta murattiana. Roma, 2012. - позже на землях болгар, выкупленных в 878 г., будет основан г. Кампобассо -

 

 

- Michel Kaplan: La fondation de Nikôn le Métanoeite à Sparte : un monastère urbain, sa ville et sa campagne  (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 383-393)

    (The foundation of Nikôn the Metanoeite in Sparta: an urban monastery, its city and its countryside)
    384: The Life was first known through a Latin translation from around 1600 by J. Sirmond, based on Barberinus gr. 583, 15th century. Another version is found in Kutlumus 210 of 1680. The two versions differ markedly: the Kutlumus manuscript omits certain passages from the Barberinus, corrects others and proposes a different order of miracles. This leads Sullivan to believe that the two manuscripts are based on different traditions and that the Barberinus is the better [6]: ... Note, however, the extremely late character of the manuscript tradition, which may have left room for many modifications.

Of course, the will is brief and focuses on the foundation story. This begins with the arrival of Nikôn in Amyklai, near Sparta, where the Lacedaemonians came to seek the holy man to stop the epidemic and describes only the written contract made with the inhabitants of the city and the construction of his church despite some opposition; it continues with a very limited number of prescriptions issued by Nikôn for the life and future of his monastery [10].

    386: Let us add the links with Luc the Younger; several passages show a marked resemblance with the Life of this one ( BHG 994) [17] , the writing of which is earlier than that of Nikôn. Moreover, these relations between the two sanctuaries are confirmed by the presence of Nikôn among the saints in the mosaic decoration which adorned the double church of the monastery of Luke of Phocis and which dates from the middle of the 11th century [18], the same time when the author of the Life of Nikôn lived.

    391: In any case, the foundation of Nikôn [in the city of Sparta] lives mainly on its rural assets, which create a strong link between this urban monastery and the neighboring countryside [44] . Already, during the construction of the church, it was a villager from Sthlavochôrion who supplied the lime, of which he appeared to be a professional [45] . At the time of writing the will, Nikôn owns two metochi, Sthlavochôrion and Parorion, around churches he built there: all the products of these villages must be stored near what he still calls the Church of the Savior, namely the production of vines, fields and olive groves, but also fruit and non-fruit trees [46]. He also received the village of Périssos, given by the strategos [47], but which is treated separately and which we no longer hear about afterwards.

        45. Testament of Nikôn (quoted n. 3), p. 254.        46. Ibid., p. 255.        47. Ibid., p. 256.
        3. Ο. Lampsidis, Ὁ ἐκ Πόντου Ὅσιος Νίκων τοῦ Μετανοεῖτε, Athens 1982, p. 231-256 (now Nikôn's Testament ). See translation and commentary in J. THOMAS, A. CONSTANTINIDÈS HERO, Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents. A complete Translation of the Surviving Founders' Typika and Testaments , Washington (DC) 2000 (DOS, 35), t. 1, no.17, p. 313-322.

    392: Above all, his father took care of training him in the management of his very extensive estates, which he sent to inspect [50] ; at the head of his foundation, he rediscovers the good old reflexes of his youth. To ensure the rural estates essential for the maintenance of the urban foundation, he proceeds by founding churches:

        "The churches of Sthlavochôrion and Parorion, which I founded, that is to say the metochi" [51].

And we saw above that one of the inhabitants of Sthlavochôrion had provided lime for the main church. In the will, the organization is clearly centralized: it is the priests and monks of the Church of the Savior who exercise the authority and the management of the metochi, located at a reasonable distance [52] .

The final drafting of a Long and Rich Life by the igumen of the monastery cannot however hide the fact that, from the 1040s, the situation seems to have deteriorated.

In any case, in Life , we only hear about the metoque of the monastery, which has become unique and which, for this reason, is not named. It is constantly threatened by the neighbors, whether the Slavs, still and for a long time independent, the Mélingues [54] , the local or regional aristocracy [55] or even other villagers close to the metoque [56] . Of course, these threats should not be exaggerated, because they allow the saint to intervene. Still, there is only one metoque left [57]. For the rest, the management is still the same. The attackers generally meet with the opposition of the monks who are in the metoque, to the point that one gets the impression that they were there permanently. The story of Michel Choirosphaktès makes it possible to refine this observation: endowed with a land bordering the metoque, Choirosphaktès attacks it on the grounds that animals damage his property;

        54 . Life of Nikôn (quoted n. 5), c. 59, p. 190-194, or they are simply referred to as ἐθνικοί, and c. 62, p. 206-212. Constantine Porphyrogenitus presents them as a rebellious tribe under the reign of Romain I Lecapene, so a century before the writing of Nikôn's miracles which make them relive to us: CONSTANTINE PORPHYROGENITUS, De Administrando Imperio , ed. G. MORAVCSIK, RJH JENKINS, Washington (DC) 1987 (CFHB, 1), c. 50, p. 232-234. On the Mélingues, cf. H. Ahrweiler, A little-known inscription from Mélingues du Taygète, Bulletin de correspondence hellénie 86, 1962, p. 1-10, resumed in EAD., Studies on the administrative and social structures of Byzantium, London 1971 (Variorum Reprints, Collected Studies, 5), XV.

        55. Life of Nikôn (quoted n. 5), c. 60-62, p. 194-202. The aristocrat in question is Michel Choirosphaktès. On this family, cf. G. KOLIAS, Léon Choerosphactès, magistre, proconsul etpatrice: biography, correspondence (text and translation) , Athens 1939 (Texte und Forschungen zur byzantinisch-neugriechischen Philologie, 31), and J.-Cl. CHEYNET, Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963-1210) , Paris 1990 (Byzantina Sorbonensia, 9), p. 195, 230 and n. 192, 264 and 374; the author does not identify this Michel with the other known Michel Choirosphaktès.

    393: Well known during his life and in the years which followed his death, Nikôn the Metanoeite founded with some care a religious establishment, a sort of congregation of monks and priests, to which he did not formally give himself the status of a monastery, but it has on the other hand strongly implanted in the very heart of the city of Sparta. Rediscovering the reflexes of his youth as a great aristocrat, he largely endowed it with rural outbuildings, but by ensuring the concentration of rural products and surpluses in the city, where the foundation was itself involved in economic life. Even if the memory of the saint may not have been preserved for long in his Lacedaemonian foundation, the abundance of his representations on the walls of churches in Greece and mainly Laconia shows that he was a local celebrity, whose memory has largely survived the foundation [61] .
 

- Hélène Glykatzi-Ahrweiler: Une mention méconnue des Mélingues du Taygète  (Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, 86, 1, 1962, 1-10)

    5: let us note only that the imperial titles καῖσαρ, φλάβιος, αὔγουστος, σεβαστός, extremely frequent in the epigraphy of the first centuries of our era, must have been known to the lapicide of Oitylon; It is indeed from the number of engraved stelae that he saw there that the monk Isidore, future metropolitan of Kiev, deduced the age of the site of Oitylon (7), during his stay in the Peloponnese in 1415/6 (8).

        (8) W. Regel, op. cit., pp. 65-66 ; S. Lampros, dans Néos Hellènomnèmôn (cité dorénavant N. Hell.), t. I, 1904, pp. 269-270 ; D. Zakythinos, Le Despotat..., t. II, Athènes, 1953, pp. 12-13, et note 1. Sur les écrits d’Isidore de Kiev, et. G. Mercati, op. cit.

    6: This same witness notes that the population of this city ἀρχαία καὶ ἑλληνίς is composed of non-Greeks (ἀλλ ’ὁ δῆμος οὐχ ὐχλλήνων) who can only be the Mélingues of our inscription (1).
... The family of Spanos or Spanis, among the most important of the Melingues of Taygetos, is known to us from various sources collected by P. Lemerle and D. Zakythinos (4). In 1278, a Michali Spano was mentioned in a Venetian act as governor of Androuvista (5).

(1) W. Regel, op. cit., p. xlviii, identifies these "barbarians" with the Albanians; D. Zakythinos, op. cit., II, p. 13, note 1, admits that it is, the Maniotes; it should be noted that this is the Slavic element of the region (Σκῦθαι after Isidore), that is to say the Mélingues of our inscription, or the “Sclaui de Magna” of the Venetians (cf. E. Gerland, Neue Ouellen z. Gesehichle d. Erzbislums Patras, Leipzig, 1903, p. 161, 1. 1.3). They are probably the same as the δυσπειθεῖς ὑπόφοροι καὶ δυστράχηλοι (Λακεδαίμονες), these ἀλλόκοτοι βάρβαροι βρβαροι of Euthym Malakès, were hostile to the representative of the central government in the XIIth century, (cf. A. Papadopoulos-Kérameus, Noctes Petropolitanae, St. Pétersbourg, 1913, p. 145).

(4) D. Zakythinos, op. cit., t. II, pp. 27-28; P. Lemerle, L’êmirat d'Aydin, Byzance et Occident, Paris, 1957, pp. 103-105. The patronymic Spanos-Spanopoulos, originally designating a hairless man, is also very common outside the Peloponnese; cf. for example, M.M., t. IV, pp. 20 ff., 165, 184, 187-189, 225, 226, 278 (Spanoleon); Migne, Patrologia Graeca, t. CXIX, col. 896; G. Trinchera, Syllabus, graec. membr., Naples, 1865, p. 499; N. Hell., XI, 1914, p. 405, etc. On the other hand, the Spanis or Spanès form seems to designate only the Taygetos family.

(5) Note that in the same document (ibid., P. 232) i refers to the Venetian merchants of Coron stripped of their property by the people of the region of "Magna", "Gisterna" and "Belforte", fortresses located “In partibus Sclavonia”: important geographical specification, because it does not appear in connection with Androuvista. In addition the function and form of the name of Michali Spano (and not Spani), attested thus at a time when the Mélingues family is called and is designated in Greek and Latin sources as Spany, Σπανὶς-ὶς, suggest that Michali Spano, Byzantine official from the Androuvista region, is of Greek origin, unrelated to the Mélingues family, which seems to have adopted the Spanos-Hispanos form much later (15th century). If this is so, it must be admitted that the Spanos family, then settled in Italy (15th-16th centuries), designated in Western sources as originating from Coron (cf. N. Hell., T. VIII, 1912, pp. . 418, 451), is not the same as that of Oitylon, which, it seems, remained in place (cf. below, p. 8).

 

    7: In 1296 Prince Florent de Hainaut agreed with "Spany, a powerful man of the Slavs who is sire of Gisterne and the other chatiaux around", to occupy the fortress of St. George in the region of Kalamata taken over by the Slavs of Morea who, according to the Byzantine governor of Mystra, were independent people and "hold lordship by water by thiranny" (1).

Finally, Constantine Spanis is known to us by an inscription of the same nature as that of Oitylon, found by S. Kougéas at the Saint-Nicolas church at a place called Kampinari, north of Oitylon: dated 1337/8, the inscription of Kampinari mentions as founder of the church the pansébaste tzaousios of the drongos of Mélingues, Constantin Spanès, and his wife Marie (2). There is no doubt that this character is the same as the restorer of St. George's Church in Oitylon. According to the information from the Kampinari inscription, Constantine Spanis had, before 1337/8 and after 1331/2, to marry, acquire the title of pansébaste, which gives him the right to the qualifier πανευγενέστατος (3), and exercise the military function of tzaousios (4) of the drongos of Mélingues (5), that is to say commander of the mountainous region of Taygetus. It was precisely the territory guarded by the soldiers under the command of Constantine Spanis, which was attacked, as P. Lemerle demonstrated, by Umur, then emir of Aydin, in the spring of 1335 (p.8, 1).

    (1) Chronique de Morée, éd. Lorgnon, Paris, 1911, p. 278, § 701.

    8: ... - The relations of dependence of the Kompis family towards that of Hispanos <Spanos <Spanis, make one think of the links of Kopôgis of our inscription with, the Mélingues-restorers of the Saint-Georges church of Oitylon, and in particular with the first mentioned Constantine Spanis. One might even wonder whether we should not see under the name Kopôgis, if the reading is correct, the earlier form of the patronymic, then Hellenized, Kompis, thus attested in the 15th century. The argyrobulle would thus give us the names of the direct descendants of Constantine Spanis and the Kopôgis of our inscription: ... there is no longer any doubt about the authenticity of the document which attributes Kompis to the Spanos family. This almost hereditary dependence turns out to be important for the study of the social status in force among the Mélingues: it recalls in a curious way the links which united the “faméllioi” of the Maniotes of Taygetos to their masters, the “niklianoi” (6) .

    (4) Le patronymique Κονπῦς et Κομπῆς est aussi attesté en Thrace, dans un document de 1291 mentionnant un πρωτοσεβαστος τῶν Βουλγάρων : cf. N. Hell., t. VII, 1910, pp. 11-15.

    9: The second-mentioned restorer of St. George's Church in Oitylon, Larigkas (S)labouris (1), is otherwise unknown. ... For the patronymic, the correction of λαβούρι, given by the Le Bas-Waddington copy, in (Σ) λαβούρι seems certain: at the end of line 2 there is a trace of an insufficiently deciphered letter; moreover the inscription which follows ours in Le Bas-Waddington, and which comes, as we have seen, from the same place, speaks of a Σλαβουροπούλα (3), undoubtedly descended from the Σλαβούρι family. The surname Slabouris, otherwise unknown, must be compared to Abouris, a later form concealing the Slavic origin, so clearly highlighted by the form Σλαβούρις. Indeed the Abouris family is attested in the 15th century on the borders of Taygetos: ...

    (5) On the etymology of the term, cf. S. Kougéas, op. cit., p. 22 sq. (Greek origin); H. Grégoire, in Nouvelle Clio, III, 1952, pp. 293-295, proposes a Slavic etymology: the term Mélingues would designate the inhabitants of a chalky, marly, calcareous ground, as the term Ezérites, also of Slavic origin, indicates the inhabitants of the marshy regions.

    10: settled in the midst of a Greek population, in the 14th century they still felt the need to recall their ethnic origin; they maintain the old forms of their names (Spanis, Slabouris, Kopôgis), which they seem to want to get rid of later (Spanos-Hispanos, Abouris, Kompis). In other words, in the Oitylon inscription, the term Mélingues is used in the same way as by Constantine Porphyrogenitus in the famous passage from De administrando imperio devoted to the Slavs of the Peloponnese (1), and by the editor of the Life of Saint Nikôn le Métanoeitë (2), for whom the Mélingues are "Myrmidones" (3), name attributed by the Byzantines to the Slavs and especially to the Bulgarians (4).

Thus the inscription of Oitylon, completed by that of Kampinari, appears particularly interesting for the relations of the Mélingues, an undisciplined tribe and, in the past, often rebellious, with the Byzantine authorities of the fourteenth century. The function and titles of Constantine Spanis, known by the inscription of Kampinari, and the manner of designating the reigning emperor, in the inscription of Oitylon, show that the Mélingues were at that time faithful servants of the empire. , and even provided executives for the Byzantine administration in the region. Their attachment to the house of the Paleologians, and in particular their obedience to Andronicus II, was noticed by Geoffroy d'Annoy, Frankish baron of the Peloponnese (5). Their assimilation, their fusion with the Greek population of the Taygetos region must go back to this time.

(1) Constantin Porphyrogénète, De administrando Imperio, éd. Moravcsik-Jenkins, pp. 232-235, chap. 50, et tome II (1962), Commentary, pp. 182-187.

(2) N. Hell., t. III, 1906, p. 200; à noter, ibid., p. 228, la mention d’un Σλαβοχώριον aux contreforts (= at the foothills of) du Taygète.
(3) S. Kougéas, op. cit., pp. 25-20; G. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica2, Berlin, 1958, t. II, s.v.
(4) Against S. Kougéas, op. cit., p. 13, it must be admitted that in the 14th century the term Mélingues, in addition to the geographical meaning it acquired, still retained its first ethnic meaning. It is used to designate the Hellenized descendants of the Slavs settled in the region of Taygetus.
(5) Quoted in this regard by D. Zakythinos, op. cit., t. II, p. 28.

    http://clubs.dir.bg/showflat.php?Board=maked&Number=1954945351&page=0&view=collapsed&sb=5&vc=1 :

Имената на селата им в Пелопонес, още си стоят. Не съм сигурен, дали е възможно да се запазят имена на села на изчезнало още в Средновековието население. Последно са споменати в "Хрониката на Морея" в 1330г., с водач "чаушът на друнгарите от милингите" Константин Спан. В тясно сътрудничество са с латините. Може да се гадае, че общността им е заварена от османците, а преобръщането от милинги в гърци, се случва към 16-17в. Т.е. не са аморфна маса, а се идентифицират с племенното си име, ясно заявено пред латините.

 

 

- André Vauchez: Du Gargano à Compostelle : la sainte pèlerine Bona de Pise (v. 1115-1207)  (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 737-743)

    738-40: In fact, the two main biographies give quite different interpretations of Bona's existence: Vita B2 emphasizes the links that existed between the saint and the monastery of San Jacopo de Podio which she herself founded. On the other hand, the author of the Vita A, who wrote twenty or thirty years later, emphasizes with insistence all that the saint owed to the collegiate church of San Martino, where she had spent her youth, where her body rested and where miracles took place around her tomb.
...
She was born around 1155 in a modest environment: her mother, Berte, was of Corsican origin and had been abandoned by her "husband" - but perhaps it was a simple affair between a master and a servant - , who had gone to seek his fortune in the Holy Land, when his daughter was three years old. She lived from then on as an orphan, but from her childhood she was distinguished by exceptional piety and showed a keen interest in religious life. As a result, she attracted the attention of a regular canon named John who provided her with material and spiritual support and strove to link her to the canonical community of San Martino, located in the commercial district of Kinzica.
...
Back in Pisa, Bona continued for some time to reside in her small house near San Martino and to live in voluntary poverty, practicing solidarity with the needy. But it was not long in joining a monastic community, that of San Michele in Orticaia - or "dei Scalzi" - in Pisa, which belonged to the congregation of Pulsano, an abbey located in Puglia, in the Gargano massif, all near the great sanctuary of Saint Michael, where a monasticism with an eremitic tendency was practiced. This order, founded by Jean de Matera at the beginning of the 12th century, had spread in Tuscany and as far as Piacenza, in the Po plain, along the Via Francigena which led pilgrims from Outremont to Rome and to Monte Gargano, and seems to have favored pilgrimages and welcomed pilgrims to its establishments [7] . From that moment on, Bona distanced himself from the canons of San Martino and began to practice the peregrinano perpetua pro Christo., that is to say, constantly going on pilgrimage, in particular to Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle.

 

---

 

 

4. Славяни, българи в Гаргано, Апулия, Кампания, Абруцо:

 

- Jelka Vince-Pallua: Tragom hrvatskih oaza u Irpiniji u Južnoj Italiji  (Croatica, XXIII/XXIV, 1992/1993, 399-409)

 

- Žarko Muljačić: Nuovi dati sulle colonie croate nell’Italia meridionale con particolare riguardo a quelle estintesi da secoli in Campania  (Linguistica (Ljubljana), 45, 2005)

 

- Zrinka, 2015 — Nikolic Jakus, Zrinka, Slavs but not Slaves: Slavic Migrations to Southern Italy in the Early and High Middle Ages  (In: Travels and Mobilities in the Middle Ages. From the Atlantic to the Black Sea, in M. O' Doherty e F. Schmieder (a cura di), Multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approaches to medieval travels and mobilities, Turnhout, 2015, p. 267-290)  (.pdf файл от darhiv.ffzg.unizg.hr)

 

- Alberto M. Cirese:

        - La «pagliara» del primo maggio nei paesi slavo-molisani  (Slovenski etnograf, Ljubljana, 25, 1955)

        - Notizia sugli albanesi del Molise. Tradizioni dei paesi slavo-molisani. Nota sui paesi slavo-molisani  (Articles from «La Lapa. Argomenti di storia e letteratura popolare», 1955)

        - Canti popolari delle colonie slavo-molisane  (A. Cirese, Canti Popolari del Molise, Vol. II, cap. 16, Rieti 1957 (estratto))

        - Canti popolari delle colonie albanesi del Molise  (A. Cirese, Canti Popolari del Molise, Vol. II, cap. 15, Rieti 1957 (estratto))

        - Il pianto funebre nei paesi serbocroati del Molise (1957) - O naricaljkama u hrvatskim mjestima pokrajine Molise u Italiji (1959)  (Rad Kongresa folklorista Jugoslavije, u Varaždinu 1957. Zagreb, 1959)

        - I dislivelli interni di cultura nelle civiltà superiori  (V. Grottanelli - Ethnologica Edizioni Labor - Milano - 1965)

        - Folklore in Italy: A Historical and Systematic Profile and Bibliography  (Journal of the Folklore Institute, Vol. 11, No. 1/2, Special Issue: Folklore Studies in Italy, 1974, pp. 7-79)  (.pdf file)

        - Milovan Gavazzi e la "pagliara" slavo-molisana  (Stud. ethnol. Croat., Zagreb, 7/8, 1995/1996)

        - Milko Matičetov e i paesi slavi del Molise (Italia)  (Traditiones, Ljubljana, 28/1, 1999)

    Обичаят «Зелени Юрий» сред словенците.  Италиански превод на песента за Иван Карлович, включваща мотива за сватбата на девойката и за нейните девет братя-защитници (Ив. Венедиков, Златният стожер...)

 

- Richard Hodges, Richard Buckley and Antonio Sennis: An Early Medieval Building Tradition? A Pagliaio at Colli a Volturno  (Papers of the British School at Rome, 62, 1994)

 

- E. Casanova: Le colonie allogene dell’Italia meridionale e della Sicilia  (Genus, 4, 3/4 1940)

    6: Faced with this state of affairs, the new Aragonese dynasty inaugurated a demographic policy, which, while attempting to repopulate the deserted lands, ensured the support of partisans and soldiers to the new monarchy.

Alfonso I was the first of the rulers who called the Greeks into the Kingdom. His son, Ferrante, was the first to place them where the war of the Barons had made a void.
...
From that moment on, for two centuries, Greek immigration continued. The Spanish Viceroys followed the demographic policy of the Aragonese (2), not only that, but even made available to the  fugitives from the Ottoman yoke the necessary boats to transfer them to the Kingdom.

    <- 2. M. Palombo, Southern Municipalities before and after the subversive laws of feudalism. Feuds, Universities, Municipalities and Demani , vol. I, Montecorvino Rovella, 1910, pp. 336 et seq.

    9-10: Like all the barbarians, who, before attacking her, had offered Rome to join her legions, Alczeco offered Romualdo to serve under his orders and, in return, asked for hospitality and lands for his warriors (1).

The north-west boundary of the Matese was assigned to him for room, from Sepino to Isernia, with Boiano as the center; and he occupied it and made it prosper again.
...
In another part of Molise, shortly before the year 1000, various tribes of nomads appeared. They were Oriental, perhaps India, and called gisi , gizzi , gyptii , Egyptians , almost came  from Egypt. We call them gypsies (3) .

    <- 3. G. Masciotta, op. cit. , I, pp. 351-354; II, Naples. 1915, p. 191.

    11: Documents of the 12th century (1140-1171) frequently mention in Aquino, ... And they left it again in ancient times.

In August 1115, Ruggero, count of Sicily and Calabria, donated to the monastery of the ss. Apostoli di Stilo some individuals, among which, Nicolaum gitzum and Epiphanium macedonem (1) .
...
Perhaps to avert the danger of unwanted contacts they had reduced themselves in many to steep places in the Daunia and had made their center in Ielsi, called Gittia from the Angevin registers . They are still there today, without changing their wandering life; and today, as then, they radiate between the Biferno and the Fortore, in what, in 1404, called Terra Gyptiae.

    <- 1. F. Trinchera, Syllabus graecarum membranarum, Napoli, 1865, pag. 115.

    13: Not slaves, but free were the Slavs who appeared in Molise. They belonged to the Illyrian branch (1) and, from the inclinations shown, we would tend to consider them as Slovenes. In fact, they never had disagreements in matters of religion: what indicates they were Catholic.

For the first time, a bull of Boniface VIII remembers them in 1297. They came to Acquaviva Collecroce, occupying one of those almost uninhabited places that the feudal lords, newly created by the Angevins, had not bothered to repopulate until then. From that feud, in the following century, they extended to the heights between Trigno and Biferno and particularly to S. Felice, called, until a few years ago, Slav, now del Littorio. A truly remarkable case, those two villages, which they first occupied, are the last to lose their nationality, perhaps because of a different wave from the following ones.

Their presence in Molise in the 15th century led the king of Naples to call other Slavs, always Illyrians, to repopulate other uninhabited lands in the region. And so in 1483 we find them in Ripalta del Trigno, today Mafalda, in Tavenna, in Montemitre. In 1561 they appeared in San Giacomo dai Schiavoni, in San Biase, so called from the name of their patron, in Morrone, Palata, Montelongo and about 12 neighboring villages (2). They went as far as San Vito (3); and some went up to the center of Irpinia, to Villanova del Battista, near Ariano (4).
 

    15: [Saracens] landed at Mazzara in 827, and with the taking of Taormina in 902 they secured the dominion of all of Sicily, while with the fall of Noto in 1091 they lost it definitively. The Vallo di Mazzara, which they had made flourishing, full of populous lands and very fertile, returned to its previous sterility after the mass exodus of 300,000 Saracens in order not to succumb to the rule of the Normans. The survivors, perched on the steepest cliffs, resisted persecutions and exterminations; until Federigo II, to put an end to their turbulence, transferred them for the most part, from 1239 to 1245, on the continent, settling them, in Girifalco and Acerenza and perhaps in other places,while in 1243 he gave the others the opportunity to descend from their eagle's nests in the inhabited places and to mingle with the other population, or to exile. This was the last scene of their tragedy in Sicily.

Except that the Saracens transferred to Calabria and Lucania were too close to their ancient Sicilian residence, not to try to reach it by stealth. Hence it was necessary to concentrate them further away and precisely in Lucera and its surroundings, which became their new capital. At first full of hatred against Federigo, they became, in the process of time, its most faithful defenders and heroic supporters: naturally attracting the revenge of their enemies. After the vain siege of Lucera in 1268, Charles I, however, took advantage of their arm under the sign of the cross in 1282 in Sicily in the war of the Vespers. But his son, Charles II, could not resist the cruel imposition of the pope; and, in 1300, he ordered and carried out their extermination, killing them, selling them or forcing them to abjure (1). They were, they say, 80,000. Those who remained alive were lost in the crowd of the other population. And the lands they had occupied and made fertile remained abandoned and deserted, awaiting new immigrants, while retaining here and there, as has been said, in the names of the places the memory of those
proud children of the desert and the sea.

Some names were already Arabic for some time. On April 28, 1136, for example, King Roger gave the farm of Boico, near Palermo, to his son's nurse, with five villagers who are Saracens and between the borders he cites «lapides saracenico dictos Chagar Elyurop» (2) .

    <- 2. F. Trinchera, Syllabus cit., Pp. 155-156.
 

    <- http://www.castles99.ukprint.com/Essays/Sicily/Vicari.html
Vicari was a fortified site recorded by the chronicler Malaterra as early as 1077. In that year Count Roger Hauteville (d.1101), having dissolved his army at the end of his summer campaign, retired to Vicari. The area could have been conquered by the Normans as early as the 1072 conquest of Palermo. In the 1094 list of the monasteries later annexed to the cathedral of Palermo, the church of Santa Maria de Boico was mentioned. Biku was the Arab name for Vicari. In a simultaneous Greek diploma confirming his donation, Count Roger (d.1101) noted that, at the time of the conquest (probably of Palermo in 1072), he had found monks praying for his victory in the ruined church of SS. Deiparae existens ad Boicum. Before 1154 Idrisi notes that Vicari (Biku) was a high castle (hisn) and fortalizio.

    18-19: We still find them [Albanians] among the slaves and prisoners; nor would we go very wrong if we recognized one of them in that Macedonian Epiphanio which, in 1115, Roger of Sicily had donated to the abbey of Stilo.

... several had crossed the Adriatic and had come to offer their services in the Italian militias, since, as later (1599) wrote the general administrator Nicolò Donato (1), «Albanians are willingly accompanied in factions with Italians, whom they trust; but not willingly with the Croatian».

    <- 1. V. Lamansky, Secrets d’état de Venise. Documents, extraits, notices et études servant à éclaìrer les rapports de la Seigneurie avec les Grecs, les Slaves et la Porte Ottomane à la fin du XV et au XVII siècle, Saint Petersbourg, 1884, p. 548, note 1.

    19: Alfonso I of Aragon had them as auxiliaries in his army under the command of Demetrio Reres Castriota. But more than him his son, King Ferrante, had them dearest, who with his favor paid a debt of gratitude contracted with Giorgio Castriota Scanderbeg, who came to the services of Pius II for the famous crusade conceived by the Pontiff against the Turk, in which the Pope hoped to have a powerful ally in the King of Naples, precisely therefore crowned by him in 1459. In the war against the pretender Giovanni d'Angiò and Nicolò Piccinino (1461), Giorgio at the head of 800 horses had managed to free Ferrante from the grasp, where his opponents kept him locked up under the walls of Barletta (3). In exchange, the King was generous with benefits to Castriota and his descendants, as well as to the Albanians, who he sent to repopulate lands abandoned due to tax insolvency or destroyed in the wars of the time. They flocked to it in number; and the example of the King also induced the great feudal lords to use it to reclaim their domains (4) . From that moment, the pressure and persecutions of the Turks growing in the Balkans, a real crowd of Albanians crossed the Adriatic to find a more peaceful asylum in lands, unfortunately too frequently marred by earthquakes.
 

    23: Another regime begins instead, when Charles Bourbon, having become King of Naples, constitutes an army, in which the national element is in the majority (1737).

The Albanians participate in it; and we find them grouped into the Albanian Royal Hunters and the Royal Macedonia regiment, which from 1799 to 1860 was called Royal Albania.

(nei Reali Cacciatori albanesi e nel reggimento Reale Macedonia)

 

 

- Archangel Mihail, обичаи

https://www.mundimitar.it/stampe/stan_granic/Kultura%20jezik%20i%20manjinske%20zajednice%20Stan%20Granic%202009.pdf
 

Kirchentür in Palata findet; seine Inschrift lautet: Hoc primum Dalmatiae gentes incoluere castrum ac a fundamentis erexere templum a. 1531
“the people of Dalmatia first settled in this town and built this church from its foundation in the year 1531” (“Hoc primum Dalmatiae gentes incoluere castrum ac a fundamentis templum erexere  anno MDXXXI”) (Čoralić, 2003: 192; Sammartino, 2002: 2; Scotti, 2006: 36–8). The absence of Turkish loan words in their vocabulary also indicates that their ancestors had not lived under Ottoman rule (Sujoldžić, 1997: 296; 1987: 120).
 

 

- Ischia island: Church of Santa Restituta. Museum and excavations  (от www.ischia.uk)

        "Il 1036 il Conte Marino Bulgaro e la moglie Teodora donarono il casale detto Vico ove avevano costruito un oratorio con la Torre." (In 1036 the Count Marino Bulgaro and his wife Teodora donated a farmhouse called Vico where they had built an oratory with the Tower. In 1301 the oratory was enlarged to give shape to the present church.)

 

 

- Admir Agic: Neretljani: Sakalibe, robovi i gusari  (Tešanj, 2022. Academia.edu)

 

    6: Ibn Hauqalova mapa na Balkanu kao najznačaniji grad ističe Butrint (Badhrant) u Albaniji kao vezu sa Otrantom u Italiji. Ostala je zabilježena i legenda [10] da se 490. godine sv. Mihael ukazao biskupu iz Siponta i tražio da od pećine blizu grada napravi kršćansko svetište, a svetac će kao nagradu za to zaštiti Siponto od napada neretljanskih pagana. Ova legenda je prvo „ukazanje" sv. Mihaela u zapadnoj Europi.

<- 10. G. Otranto: " 'Il Liber de Apparitione,' il santuario di san Michele sul Gargano e i Longobardi del Ducato di Benevento" (1983.)

    7: Dokaz tim savezima je i npr. neslavensko ime arhona koji je predvodio slavenski dio bizantijske vojske - Nevul ili Nebul, sa karakterističnim nastavkom „ul". Nakon bitke kod Sebastopolisa 692. godine, bizantijski arhon Nevul [12] (lat. Nevulus) i nekoliko hiljada njegovih ljudi naselili su se u Siriji kod grada Apamea, nakon što su napustili bizantijsku vojnu službu. Ti ljudi su bili porijeklom iz Makedonije, mješavina starosjedilaca i novopridošlih grupa sa sjevera. Oni su se naselili i u Kilikiji, Armeniji i Gruziji.

<- 12. Ime je Nevul ili Nebul.

    8: povezivanje neretljanskih gusara i Arapa. Neretljani intenziviraju svoje napade na lombardska i venecijanska područja od 7. vijeka. Savez jadranskih gusara sa Arapima spominje geograf i historičar Abu al-Fida. Zabilježen je podatak da Neretljani godine 642. napadaju priobalni grad Siponto [14] u Apuliji. Osvajanja i napadi su trajali bar do 663. godine, kada je zabilježen i njihov napad na poluostrvo Gargano.

<- 14. Siponto su vjerovatno osnovali Daunjani, narod koje se naselio sa istočne obale Jadranskog mora, još u prahistoriji. Grčka legenda kaže da je grad osnovao Diomed zajedno sa ćerkom Daunskog kralja. Daunski plemenski totem je bio vuk!

    9: Sakalibe se spominju u arapskim izvorima jako rano. Najstarije do sada zabilježen podatak je u djelu pisca al-Ahtala oko 670. godine. Zatim podatak o naseljavanju Slavena u Omajadski kalifat od strane kalife Marvan ibn Muhammad (744. - 750.) u sjevernu Siriju, Armeniju i Gruziju. Car Porfirogenet izvještava da su za vrijeme vladavine cara Nikofera (805. ili 807.) „Slaveni" napali grad Patras u Peleponezu, zajedno sa "Saracenima i Afrikancima".
...
Oko 830. godine intenzivira se i sukob između Venecijanaca i Neretljana jer Neretljani sve više pljačkaju venecijanske brodove. Sve veći broj napada i sve veća blizina napada Neretljana prema sjeveru natjerali su Venecijance da preduzmu napad. Godine 839. venecijanska flota napada na istočnu Jadransku obalu ali bezuspješno jer im flota biva uništena.

    10: Iste godine 839. Arapi zauzimaju Taranto na jugu Italije od Bizanta, koji je branila venecijanska flota, dok već sljedeće 840. uspješno uništavaju većinu venecijanske flote čime postaju najjača pomorska sila na Mediteranu i Jadranu. Njihovom uspjehu najviše pridonose Neretljani i savez koji sklapaju sa njima. U pokušaju kontranapada Venecijanaca oni bivaju ponovo poraženi na obalama istočnog Jadrana iste 840. godine. Godine 842. Arapi zauzimaju i Bari, najveću luku u regiji. Godine 846. Neretljani napadaju priobalni grad Caorle u blizini Venecije.
...
Na početku su napadali na bizantijska uporišta Budvu, Risan i Kotor [17]. Godine 868. arapska flota napada Dubrovnik. Kasnije su se napadi proširili i na ostale gradove u Dalmaciji kao što su Split i Trogir.
...
Preokret ponovo dolazi sa novim bizantijskim carem Bazilom I čije porijeklo je povezano sa Balkanom i Sakalibama [20]. ... Malo zatim Bizant ponovo zauzima Bari od Arapa i stavlja ga pod svoju kontrolu. U zauzimanju Barija pomažu svi Dalmatinci osim Neretljana. Malo zatim godine 880. Bizantijanci zauzimaju i Taranto od Arapa.

<- 20. Perzijski pisci kao što su Hamza al-Isfahani ili al-Tabari, nazivaju Bazilija i njegovu majku Sakalibama.

    11: Historičar Abu Zayd al-Balkhi (850. - 934.) navodi da postoje tri glavna centra iz kojih dolaze Sakalibe i to su Kuyaba, Slawiya i Artania. Ibn Hawqal tvrdi da niko nikada nije posjetio Artaniu jer lokalno stanovništvo ubija svakog stranca koji pokušava da prodre u njihovu zemlju. Oni su prodavali kože, olovo i robove u Kuyabu. Artania, čija lokacija do danas nije utvđena mogla bi biti (N)ar(en)tania, a Slawiya - Slavonija.

Neretljanske gusare spominje i talijanski historičar M. Amari. On prenosi zapis arapskog historičara i geografa iz 14. vijeka, Abu'l Fida'ya. On navodi da se 928 ili 929. godine na obali Magreba i Sicilije pojavila Neretljanska gusarska flota od 30 brodova koja je zajedno sa Arapima opljačkala Kalabriju [21], Korziku i Sardiniju. Putopisac Ibrahim ibn Yaqub (961-962) smjestio je Sakalibe, zapadno od Bugarske, u planinsku zemlju i opisao ih kao nasilne i agresivne. Smatra se da su se nalazili na zapadnom Balkanu.
...
Najraniji i najznačajniji primjeri islamskog kovanog novca na Balkanu potiču iz 8 vijeka kada je na snazi bila ekspanzija Umajadskog kalife Mervana II al-Himara (744. - 750.). Ti primjerci islamskih srebrnih kovanica su nađeni u selu Potoci, blizu Mostara. Drugi islamski kovani novci su cirkulisali prema balkanskoj obali poput Sulejman b. 'Abd al-Malika (715. - 717.), kalife al-Mutawakkila (861-862),

Bosanski historičar Ali Dede (16. vijek) u svom djelu Rissalat al-intissab ostavio je mnogobrojne dragocjene informacije o muslimanima nastanjenim na Balkanu, u periodu između 9. i 10. vijeka. On je zabilježio, pored ostalog, sljedeće bugarske islamske kovanice sa ugraviranim imenima Samanidskog emira Ismail ibn Ahmeda (892. - 907.), zatim al-Muktafia (902. - 908.), kao i bugarskog kana Jahfara ibn-Abdallaha.

<- 21. Sakaliba robovi dovedeni iz Kalabrije su najvjerovatnije bili balkanskog porijekla. Neki od njih mogli su biti langobardski i venecijanski ratni zarobljenici, dok su neke od njih mogli čak dovesti i neretljanski gusari. U nekim slučajevima, Arapi su mogli zaobići posrednike hvatanjem robova ili unajmljivanjem plaćenika balkanskog porijekla na jadranskoj obali.
...
Najstariji spomen robova u Bosni je iz 1080. godine. Tada je u ropstvo prodan „Maracus de Radoslauo de Narento" (Marko Neretljanac sin Radoslava).

    14:
<- 35. ... U Bosni je ///Petko Tavčić/// kupio robinju Stanku i prodao je trgovcu iz Barcelone za 18 dukata, u 1389. godini.

    18: Arapski izvori pominju i sakalibska naselja na Siciliji pod arapskom vlašću. Jedan od njih pod nazivom Sclafani spominje se 939. godine. Drugi je Harat as-Saqaliba (Sakalibska četvrt), sakalibska četvrt Palerma koja se nalazi u blizini gradske luke, u glavnom gradu emira Sicilije. Ove sicilijanske Sakalibe spominje Ibn Hauqal, arapski geograf i putnik iz druge polovine 10. vijeka, kao i Yaqut, koji spominje i drugu četvrt Palerma koja se zvala "Četvrt sakalibske džamije". Znači u Palermu ih je bilo toliko da su imali i svoju četvrt (mahalu).
...
Krajem 10. vjeka spominju se Abu'l-Fadl Raydan al-Saqalabi i Mas'ud al-Saqalabi, njegov nasljednik, kao komandanti garde kalife al-Hakim bin-Amr Allah. Jawhar je bio samo jedan od brojnih Sakaliba koji su svoj uspon do izražaja započeli tokom vladavine al-Mahdija. Drugi po imenu Sakaliba uključivali su Mas'uda, Sabira, Nasima al-Fata i Sulaymana al-Khadim. Kao što je potvrđeno i u drugim izvorima, čini se da je najraniji fatimidski Sakaliba bio najistaknutiji u vojsci otvarajući put i drugim Sakalibama.

Godine 920. Sulayman al-Saqlabi je vodio pomorsku flotu koja je podržavala drugu fatimidsku ekspediciju u Egipat pod komandom al-Mahdijevog nasljednika al-Qa'ima.

    19: Dok je kampanja bila neuspješna i Sulayman je zarobljen i ubijen, Sakalibe su ipak nastavile i nakon njega sa napadima. Tokom sljedeće decenije, prvo Saqlabi Mas'ud, a zatim i Sabir, nastavili su trend vođenja fatimidskih flota.
...
Čini se da je Mas'ud al-Saqlabi bio među prvim Sakalibama za koje je izabran ovu ulogu, i na ovom mjestu ga je naslijedio Ghars al-Fata, pozicija koja je kasnije nastavio među Sakalibama sve do vladavine petog fatimidskog kalife al'-Aziza bi'llah. Tokom vladavine al-Qa'ima, al-Mahdijevog sina i nasljednika, uspon Sakaliba robova se nastavlja. Trojica najpoznatijih su Maysur, Sandal i Bushra navedeni u izvorima. Ubrzo nakon toga (932., a zatim 935.), al-Qa'im je poslao fatimidsku vojsku kojima su komandovali sakalibski generali Sandal [46] i Maysur, koji zajedno sa pro-fatimidskim plemenskim poglavicama uspjeli su osvoje zapadne regije Fatimidima. Za vrijeme vladavine Al-Mansura Sakalibe dobijaju ključne uloge kao vojni zapovjednici.

Neki od poznatijih su Rashiq al-Rayhani, Maram al-Fata, Tariq al-Saqlabi, Faraj, Qaysar i Muzafar. Sakaliba Rashiq je predvodio fatimidsku pomorsku snagu koja je igrala ključnu ulogu u podizanju opsade Sousse, Jariq al-Saqlabi se borio zajedno sa al-Mansurom, Qaysar al-Saqlabi je također bio uključen u pokoravanje berberskih plemena, a kasnije, pred kraj al-Mansurove vladavine, Sakaliba Faraj je još jednom predvodio Fatimidske pomorske ratne ekspedicije 951. i 952. godine.

Među brojnim Sakalibama u al-Mu'izovo vrijeme, nijedan nije istaknutiji od Abu'l-Ḥasan Jawhara. Al-Mu'izz je imenovao da vodi veliku fatimidsku vojnu ekspediciju na Magreb i Egipat. Jawhar je bio najviši komandant i guverner Egipta. Aflaḥ al-Nashib je bio guverner istočne provincije Barqa.

Rayyan al-Saqlabi je imenovan za guvernera Tripolija, nakon fatimidske ekspanzije u Siriju. Abu'l-Faḍl Raydan je služio kao nosilac suncobrana,

    20:
a naslijedio ga je Shafl' al-Saqlabi, koji je pratio al-Mu'izza. Sakaliba Nusayr je služio, u različitim vremenima, kao i Jawharov zamjenik u al-Mahdiyyi, kao šef riznice i guverner Tripolija. Prenošenje fatimidske države u Egipat imalo je značajne posljedice za Sakalibe i njihovo učešće u fatimidskom poduhvatu, ali pod al-Mu'izzovim nasljednicima, njihova moć je sve više slabila. Fatimidski kalifa Abu Tamid Ma'ad al-Mu'izz li-Din Allah (931. - 975.), četvrti po redu Fatimidski kalifa, znao je „sakalibski jezik", a u njegovoj je okolini bilo puno Sakaliba, sa kojima je on komunicirao na njihovom jeziku. Sakalibe i njihovo djelovanje su u Egiptu pripremile zemlju za vladavinu Mamluka, koji su na kraju postali i sultani Egipta.

Jedan od najpoznatijih Sakaliba sa istočne obale Jadranskog mora je Abu al-Hasan Jawhar ibn Abd Allah. Rođen je nekad oko 920. a umro je 992. godine. Abu al-Hasan Jawhar doveden je u Kairouan (Tunis) nakon što su ga oteli gusari. Kao rob služio je nekoliko gospodara, a slobodu mu je dao Al-Mu'izz, sin od Ifriqiya kalife Al-Mansura. Postao je vezir i najviši vojni zapovjednik Fatimida. U ovoj ulozi nastavio je ekspanziju Fatimida i zajedno sa Ziridima osvojio Fez u sjevernom Maroku i gurnuo se prema Atlantiku.

Jawhar je potom zauzeo i Egipat, za 4. fatimidskog imama-kalifa al-Mu'izz li-Din Allaha. Služio je kao upravitelj Egipta do dolaska al-Mu'izza 973. godine, učvršćujući Fatimidsku kontrolu nad zemljom i postavljajući temelje za grad Kairo. Nakon toga se povukao iz javnog života do smrti.

    21: Nakon dolaska Arapi formiraju novu državu. Veći dio Iberije postao je dio rastuće umajadske države, pod imenom al-Andalus (arb. zemlja Vandala). Organizirana je kao provincija podređena afričkom emiratu Ifrikiji, tako da je prvih nekoliko decenija predstavnike vlasti u Andaluziji postavljao emir u Kairouanu, a ne kalif u Damasku. Ovo je omogućilo integraciju Sakaliba iz Ifrikije u ranu vlast u Andaluziji.

U umajadskoj Andaluziji Sakaliba enusi su bili jako popularni i rasprostranjeni. Sakalibe su u Iberiju stigli prilično rano, jer se spominju već 762. godine. Godine 778. abasidski „agent" po imenu as-Siqlabi iskrcao se na obale Tudmira (Denia) s ciljem organiziranja pobune protim umajadske vlasti. Znamo da je imao podršku lokalne berberske vojske, ali kada ga je napao i pobjedio emir Kordobe morao je pobjeći u planine Balensije među nomadsko stanovništvo.

    23: Osim elitne garde - čuvara u palačama, poznata je bila i Sakaliba konjica po uzoru na rimsku Dalmatinsku konjicu. Sakaliba konjica kalife Hishama je bila poznata nadaleko.

    24: Između 1011. i 1013. kalifat u Andaluziji se raspada na oko 30-tak država (taife) tokom ere anarhije poznate kao fitna. Neke od njih otimaju od postojećih moćnika, kojima su prethodno služili, te u njima dalje vladaju Sakalibe. Oni su snažno vladali u Almeriji, Deniji i Balearima (u periodu od 1015. do 1016. a čak su se nakratko proširili vlast i na Sardiniju), Mursiji, Tortosi i Balensiji. Tokom rane faze perioda taifa oni su kraće vrijeme vladali u Jaenu, Baezi i Kalatravi, dok je u pograničnoj provinciji Badajoz Sakaliba po imenu Sabur u početku imao vlast.

    25: Podatak o osnivanju grada Al-Mariyye, još uvijek u sastavu kalifata, po naredbi kalife Abd al-Rahmana III zabilježen je na kamenoj ploči pronađenoj u gradu. Kao osnivač grada naveden je Muhammad ibn Rumahis, koji je vjerovatno bio Sakaliba. Bio je poznat po svojim pomorskim sposobnostima zbog čega dobija i zapovjedništvo nad pomorskom flotom kalifata. Ibn Rumahis je bio i poznati gusar i otimao ljude širom Mediterana. Ostali su zabilježeni njegovi napadi na grad Bari i Soponto oko 960. godine.

 

 

---

 

 

5. Славомолизкият език:

 

- Giovanni de Rubertis, Delle colonie Slave nel regno di Napoli  (Estratto dall’Osservatore Dalmato, Zara, 1856)

 

- Иван Де Рубертис (превод: Осипъ М. Бодянскій): Славянскія поселенія въ Неаполитанскомъ королевствѣ. Письма тамошняго учителя, Јована де Рубертисъ  (Чтенiя въ Имп. Общ. Исторiи, М., 1858)

        Празник "Май", напомнящ на русалиите. Старинна песен "Влахиня злюблйена". Де Рубертис включва българите на Алцек към неговите "илирийци" от Молизе.  За да станат те сегашните "молизки хървати".

 

- Mittheilungen di Petermann (1857, pag. 556) ??

 

- Domenico Comparetti, Alcune notizie ed osservazioni in proposito degli Studi critici, del prof. Ascoli. Intorno agli Slavi del napoletano  (Rivista italiana, 1863)

 

- Ivan de Rubertis: Zibka; Gjuro Deželić: Hrvatske naseline u južnoj Italiji  (Dragoljub, U Zagrebu, 1867)

    стр. 129: "Kada _počne_ čepit oči" е поправено на "Kada poće čepit oče". Също вероятно "sladak" (а не "slako"). Превод на "Di si poša lipi sunce ?" (<- Да се свери с Решетаровия "превод"-рязане).
    стр. 238: Превод на Fran. Pav. Volpea: „Saggio intorno agli Schiavoni stabiliti in Matera nel Secolo XV. Napoli 1852. - за три вълни от преселници-славяни от Албания през 14(?)-15 век.

 

- Викентій Васильевичъ Макушевъ:

    - Итальянскіе архивы и хранящіеся въ нихъ матеріалы для славянской исторіи. II. Неаполь и Палермо  (Записки Имп. Акад. Наукъ, т. XIX, СПб., 1871/72)

        "Славяне, жившіе въ южной Италіи и служившіе Анжуйцамъ, называются въ регистрахъ Sclavi—Sclavoni, Sclavelli (иногда съ прибавленіемъ de Dalmacia, de Catharo, de Panormo ...) и Bulgari—Bulgarelli (de Yscla, de Gaieta и т. д.)."

    - О славянахъ Молизскаго графства въ южной Италіи  (Записки Имп. Ак. Наук, т. 18, СПб., 1870)

        Описание на пътуване на В. Макушев съвместно с Марин Дринов до Вода Жива (Круч). По-книжовен превод на притчата за блудния син.

        "По-Славянски въ церкви запрещено пѣть. ... На улицѣ запрещено плясать." Съседните албанци не говорели славянски, но славяните от Круч поназнайвали албански.

        "Вышли на средину два парня и проплясали извѣстную тарантеллу, считающуюся народнымъ Неаполитанскимъ танцемъ, но сильно напомнившую мнѣ Сербско-Далматинскій, а моему спутнику Болгарскій (родиною тарантеллы считается Искія, а на Искія было много Болгаръ при Анжуйцахъ: они были прогнаны королемъ Альфонсомъ, призвавшимъ сюда Испанскихъ поселенцевъ.)"

        "Склоненія въ именахъ существительныхъ пали, и падежныя окончанія замѣняются предлогами." Числително єна (= един). Бъдеще време с глагола мамъ (= имам): они маю плакатъ.

        "Предки нынѣшнихъ жителей Круча (Вода Жива) были смѣсь Сербовъ и Болгаръ и пришли въ Италію въ весьма отдаленную эпоху, вѣроятно, раньше XIII вѣка, — въ XII или даже XI вѣкѣ."

 

- Giovenale Vegezzi-Ruscalla, Le colonie serbo-dalmate del circondario di Larino, provincia di Molise  (Torino, 1864)  (.pdf файл от lnx.bisaccia.org)

        Изследването се базира на Рубертисовия превод на притчата на блудния син, от който според Макушев лъхало книжност, т.е. влияние на книжовния хърватски ("Вообще переводъ отзывается книжностью", Макушевъ, 1870, стр. 56)

 

- Graziadio Isaia Ascoli, Studj critici di G. I. Ascoli. II. Saggi e appunti. ... Slavi del Molise  (Estratto dal Politecnico, Milano, fasc. di Marzo 1867; Studi critici di G. I. Ascoli II., Ermanno Loescher. Roma, Torino, Firenze, 1877²)

    str. 79: ímam stráho do Ívan Carlovítz;

    str. 80: Le Dynagus est une coutume lithuanienne dont l’institution remonte à la fin du quatorzième siècle.

 

 

- ??Luigi Alberto Trotta, Su l'origine delle nuove città e terre e su le colonie albanesi e slave della provincia di Molise (до 1872).  (Цитирано от В. Макушев в: Итальянскіе архивы, 1872, стр. 72)

 

 

- Michelangelo Fonzo, Memorie di un Viaggio tra gli Slavi della Provincia di Molise  (Gazzetta della provincia di Molise, Campobasso, Num. 77&83, 1872)

    Religious festivals are more or less all the same; and Montemitro is soon to be seen. I only noticed a stone above the door of a ruined chapel, which is written of certain faulty signs from time, and which I believe to be Cyrillic characters. I found something similar at the door of the church of San Felice; but I didn't know how to discredit anything. If any antiquarian happens to us, let those inscriptions be pointed out, and explain them to me, because I have remained very curious.

        a loving study of the Slavic, you will find him more blunt and crude in Montemitro, where little Italian accassamento happened; less crude, but malignant in San Felice, where those of Fossalto, (and it was the law of balance, to be disproportionate between the earth, which is a lot, and the inhabitants, who are few) in these last times, most of all, flooded to put a family and room; almost entirely civil in Acquaviva. 

        (Montemitro). I only noticed a stone above the door of a ruined chapel, which is written of certain faulty signs from time, and which I believe to be Cyrillic characters. I found something similar at the door of the church of San Felice; but I didn't know how to discredit anything.

 

- E. Troilo, Gli slavi nell’Abruzzo Chietino  (Atti della Societa romana di antropologia. Roma. VI. 1899)

    R. Perrone Capano, Sulla presenza degli slavi in Italia e specialmente nell’Italia Meridionale (Atti della Accademia Pontaniana, 1963), p. 167: E. Troilo: Gli Slavi nell’Abruzzo Chietino. .. ricorda 3 gruppi d’infiltrazioni in Abruzzo;

        - uno meridionale con Vasto, Cupello, Monteodorisio, Schiavi d’Abruzzo;-

        - uno centrale con Lanciano, Mozzagrogna detta anche Schiavoni di Lanciano, Scorciosa (Fossacesia), Sant’Apollinare (San Vito), Treglio;

        - uno settentrionale con Abbateggio, Forcabobolina, Casacanditella, Vacri, San Silvestro, Francavilla a mare (op. cit., pg. 118).
    стр. 120. Later, in 1297, we find a bull of Boniface VIII that speaks of Castrum Acquevivae cum VASSALLIS SCLAVONIS (Lettere di Bonifacio VIII. Tomo 2.° p. 117)

    стр. 122. In any case, therefore, it can be established from all that Slavic immigration to Abruzzo Chietino goes back to the first half of the fifteenth century; followed by other nuclei to come, also together with the Albanians, as Rolando claims. (1)

    str. 124: Therefore the number of these Slavs (в град Lanciano, в Abruzzo Chietino) must have been quite relevant; and if their influences do not appear much in the country, this depends on the fact that they radiated, as has been said, over too large an area; while the Slavs of Molise did not do this, which in addition to the pure preservation of the language, uses etc., in 1881 they still rose to 4236.

 

- Giuseppe Gelcich, Colonie Slave nell Italia meridionale (Spalato, 1908)

M. Reshetar, Sp. 16: in dem Aufsatze Colonie slave nell’ Italia meridionale, der zuerst im Journal Il Dalmata von Zara, Jahrg. 1908, Nr. 25—27, dann als selbständige Broschüre in Spalato 1908 erschien, hat Gelcich die Ansicht vertreten, daß das Gros der süditalienischen Slawen nicht aus Norddalmatien, beziehungsweise aus dem Bezirke von Zara stamme, sondern aus Montenegro in den Jahren 1513—1517 auswanderte, als dieses Land von den Türken vollständig erobert wurde.

 

- Antonio Baldacci, Die Slawen von Molise  (Globus, 93/3, 93/4, Braunschweig, 1908)

    str. 45: In Molise are particularly interesting the Albanian and Slavic colonies, the Ascoli - it is now almost 45 years - the first studied with his own expertise and talent. The name of Ascoli is still alive today among the elders of that simple population, who still remember the time when the great philologist, still a young man of years but already rich in knowledge, roamed the land. According to Ascoli, many other scholars also explored Molise on the same occasion, some of whom dedicated themselves to the Slavs [2], the others to the Albanians; I was the last one to deal with the Slavs.

 

    ... It was not until very recently that Acquaviva was connected to the new road network; the other two communities still do not know any other ways but wretched mule tracks across the foothills of the Mauro mountains! The ancient Slavic centers of Ripalta, Montelungo, Palata [3], S. Biase, Tavenna, and others nearer or farther out were the last to lose the Slavic idiom, at the beginning of the eighteenth century; Not only are there no traditions of S. Giacomo degli Schiavoni, Schiavi di Abruzzo, Castelluccio degli Schiavoni and other places, but the present inhabitants of some of these centers deny any Slavic ancestry, even though at the time of Ascoli the place of S. Giacomo last Friday April celebrated a feast commemorating the arrival of the Slavic settlers, and although the same writer assures that in S. Biase (S. Biase is the patron saint of the Slavs of Molise) we find: "viva la tradizione delle origini slave, e parecchi vocaboli slavi sopraviventi nel dialetto italiano" (alive the tradition of the Slavic origins, and several Slavic words that survive in the Italian dialect) [4]. In Tavenna, the Slavic was still spoken by some in 1875 [5], and even today many an old man speaks it, albeit in such an imperfect form, that it is difficult to understand.

 

    str. 55: Unsere Slawen feiern den Karneval nicht mit speziellen Gebräuchen. Die „Slava“, die speziell bei den Serben so wichtig ist, ist in Molise unbekannt; man erinnert sich nur, daß die Familie De Rubertis stets eine Art von Fest zu Ehren des Familienpatrons, des heiligen Paschalis, feierte: aber heute ist auch dieser Brauch verloren gegangen.

    Our Slavs do not celebrate the carnival with special customs. The Slava, which is so important to the Serbs, is unknown in Molise; it is only remembered that the De Rubertis family always celebrated a kind of festival in honor of the patron saint, Saint Paschal, but today this custom has been lost.

 

- Milan Rešetar, Die serbokroatischen Kolonien Süditaliens  (Schriften der Balkankommission. Linguistische Abteilung IX, Wien 1911)
 

 

 

- Дмитрий Константинович Зеленин:

 

    - Тотемы-деревья в сказаниях и обрядах европейских народов  (Труды Института антропологии, археологии, этнографии, т. XV, в. 2, Москва - Ленинград, 1937)

    9: Древнерусское и болгарское название городского кремля, т. е. внутренней крепости, словом „детинец“ некоторые старые авторы связывали с данным обычаем замуровывать детей при основании крепостных стен. [3] Но у нас нет достаточных данных к такому объяснению, тем более, что, по легендам славянских народов, замуровывали в новостройках не детей, а молодых женщин. Правильнее выводить термин „детинец“ от прежнего русского наименования военнослужилых людей термином „дети боярские“. [4]

    52: 6. РЯЖЕНЬЕ В ВЕТВИ ДЕРЕВЬЕВ-ТОТЕМОВ

Ряженье в древесные ветви нередко заменяется в европейских обрядах ряжением в траву и цветы, или даже в солому, что мы считаем моментами разложения обряда. Ряженье это встречается чаще всего в обрядах, имеющих своею целью вызывание дождя во время засухи. Нагую девочку, реже парня, одевают в одни древесные ветви или в траву с цветами, и в таком виде водят по всему селению, где домохозяева из каждого дома обливают ряженого водою. Явно магический момент вызывания дождя через обливание людей не связан органически с ряженьем в древесные ветки, почему и не может быть признан исконным и первичным в обряде. Магическая функция обряда — вызывание дождя — соответствует только одной половине формы обряда — обливанию водой, /// а ряженью в зелень не соответствует. [2] Рядом мы имеем столь же или даже более архаические обряды, где вполне аналогичное ряженье людей в древесные ветки и иную зелень не имеет никакой связи с дождем. Таковы многие обряды при майском дереве у разных народов Европы, при семицкой березке у русских, белорусский обряд „куст“, украинская „тополя“ и т. п.

Мы считаем исходным пунктом ритуального ряженья в древесные ветви — момент уподобления людей тотему, которым было в данном случае дерево. С этой точки зрения магические обряды для вызывания дождя приходится считать обломком

    <- 2. Д. К. Зеленин, Истолкование пережиточных религиозных обрядов, Советская этнография, 1934, № 5, 3 и сл.

    53: тотемических обрядов, отколовшимся от своей почвы и получившим новую, магическую функцию.

Румыны во время засухи водят по селению так наз. рараluga — небольшую, лет десяти, девочку в рубашке из травы и цветов. Женщины обливают участников этой процессии, с головы, холодною водою. [1]

Болгары во время засухи водят в процессии девочку лет 10 или 13, которую всю закрывают ветвями черной бузины. Ряженая девочка носит имя: пеперуда. Ее водят по селению женщины в процессии, причем из каждого дома кто-либо выходит и обливает пеперуду водой. [2] В других местах Болгарии во время засухи выбирали девочку лет 15 и покрывали ее всю с головы до ног цветами и разными растениями — луком, чесноком, зеленью бобов и картофеля, ореховыми листьями и т. п. Девушка держит в своих руках пучок цветов, поднимая руки кверху. Эту одетую в цветы и травы девушку болгары называли: пеперуга или дюдюл. Девушки окружают пеперугу и в сопровождении парней отправляются по домам; домохозяин выходит, встречая их и имея в руках белый котел с водой, а в воде цветы; водою он обливает пеперугу, девушки при этом поют. В каждом доме им дают муки, яиц, ветчины, сыру и т. п. Обойдя все селение, собираются на берегу реки, моют там корыто, избранная молодая девушка месит в корыте хлеб. Разводят огонь и пекут пресный хлеб, а также варят разные кушанья; все это едят и идут по домам. [3]

У сербов в Славонии, во время летней засухи, девицы водят по селению так наз. додолу. Так называется девица, раздетая догола и обвитая листьями и цветами настолько, что не видно ее наготы. Около каждого дома кто-либо из жильцов этого дома выливает на додолу сосуд воды, после чего додола начинает плясать. [4] В иных местах Сербии додолою бывает мужчина, но переодетый в женскую одежду

    <- 3. ... Schmidt, Voksleben d. Neugriechen, 30 ff.
 

    54: В Новой Греции при длительной, в течение 11—20 дней, засухе летом дети в деревнях и небольших городах выбирают одного мальчика из своей среды, обыкновенно бедного сироту, раздевают его до нага и убирают с головы до ног полевыми травами и цветами. Это так наз. Πυρπυροὺγα. С песнями перперуну водят по селению, и хозяйка или хозяин каждого дома выливает ему на голову ведерко воды, а также дарит мелкую монету. [3]

    56: Вообще у немцев ритуальное ряженье в древесные ветви большею частью не имеет прямой связи с вызыванием дождя. Оно входит, как составная часть, в обряды первого мая и в троицкие обряды.

    57: Джемс Фрэзер также видел в этих ряженых „олицетворения духа дерева или духа растительности“. Одновременно Фрэзер высказал и иное, чисто магическое объяснение: „наряжаясь в листья и цветы, первобытный человек помогал обнаженной земле покрыться зеленью“. ... [2]

    <- [2]. J. Frazer, Golden Bough, vol. II, 110, ed. 2.

Е. В. Аничков и особенно В. Бугель сильно поколебали схематическую концепцию Маннгардта, принятую также и Фрэзером, будто бы весенняя обрядовая зелень изображает вегетационных духов.

    58: Бугель очень близок к истине, когда он определяет майское дерево как фетиша. ...

Ряженье в шкуры тотема-животного, равно как и ряженье в свежие ветви тотема-дерева — всем известные тотемические обряды, широко распространенные у всех примитивных племен-тотемистов и связанные, можно сказать, с самою сущностью тотемизма.

... Если соглашаться с Маннгардтом и видеть в ряженых вегетационного, растительного демона, то становится совершенно непонятным, почему этот растительный демон наряжен птицею. Кроме „водяной птицы“ у немцев, мы видим это в весенних обрядах — „ласточки“ у греков, „петуха“ у поляков и т. д.

    60: Белорусский обычай водить „куст“ Е. В. Аничков верно сопоставляет с хорватским обрядом „зеленый Юрий“. У хорватов и словенцев в Юрьев день, 23 апреля, хор мужчин водит с собою парня, с головы до ног покрытого зелеными ветками, подобно испанскому „mayo“, немецкому fustige Mai и чешской „кралице“. Эту фигуру и называют: „Зеленый Юрий“. Иногда ее бросали потом в воду. [4]

    61: 7. МАЙСКОЕ ДЕРЕВО

В обрядах западноевропейского „майского дерева“ мы уже отметили выше (гл. 6) ритуальное ряженье людей в древесные ветви, что надо возводить к моменту уподобления людей своему тотему-дереву. Рядом с этим в майском дереве сохранились еще и другие элементы, унаследованные от былого тотемизма. Полнее и лучше древняя тотемическая форма ритуала с майским деревом сохранилась в обрядах русской и белорусской семицкой березки. Этим обрядам мы посвятили в 1933 г. особое исследование [1] и здесь повторим только некоторые главные выводы из него.

    63: В общем и целом, западноевропейский обряд майского дерева происходит так: первого мая или на пасхе, а чаще всего на троице, словом, в то время, когда весна вступает в свои права, толпа молодежи идет в лес, срубает там молодое дерево, украшает его больше или меньше и приносит в деревню. Здесь дерево устанавливается на площади, где кругом дерева все танцуют. Иногда эти майские деревья носят из дома в дом, в праздничной процессии, с пением, требуя даров. Певцам дают яйца, колбасу, сало, и вся толпа кушает это в паузах между танцами. В Англии майское дерево бывает весьма значительных размеров: его везут 20 или 40 волов в ярме, рога которых обвиты цветами. Ствол дерева от кроны до корня украшен листвой, цветами, травами и лентами. В сопровождении 200—300 человек,

    64: мужчин, женщин и детей, его везут в селение, где привязывают к вершине его флаги, платки, знамена, водружают дерево и танцуют кругом. На юге Франции и Испании праздник майского дерева празднуется уже без дерева. Исчезновение дерева — явное вырождение обряда. Иногда праздник длится не один день, а продолжительное время, в Тоскане даже всю весну.

... Танцы вокруг майского дерева — наиболее устойчивая черта; обычны также и соревнования — в стрельбе, в разных играх, в лазанье по стволу и т. п. На кроне дерева висят часто более или менее ценные подарки, съедобные и несъедобные, которые служат призами победителям. На ветвях висят разного рода украшения — ленты, знамена, флаги, куклы и т. п. Нередко при майском дереве бывают ряженые, маскированные люди. Выше мы уже видели таких ряженых в „майской невесте“, в „майском короле“, в „водяной птице“ и т. п.

 

 

    - Н. И. Толстой: Труды Д. К. Зеленина по духовной культуре  (Вступ. статья к: Д. К. Зеленин. Избранные труды. Статьи по духовной культуре 1901–1913, изд. «Индрик» Москва 1994)

    15: Примером такой преднамеренной замкнутости исследования и обращения к одной локальной традиции (что никак нельзя считать предосудительным) может служить уже упоминавшаяся статья «Троецыплятница», в которой описываемый обряд оценивается как «крайне своеобразный», «загадочный и таинственный для исследователя», связанный «с одной лишь этнографической группой великорусского племени (собственно вятчан)» (стр. 105 настоящего издания) А между тем болгарский календарный обычай «Куриная черковь», «Куриный день» (Кокоша черква, Кокошин ден) или «Петушиный день» (Петльовден) является почти прямым аналогом вятской «Троецыплятницы» и объясняет многое, касающееся происхождения, истории и структуры обряда [10].

    <- 10. См.: Ст. Генчев. Общи елементи в обичайната система на българи и руси. Българският Петльов ден и руската Троецыплятница // Бьлгарска етнография. София, 1979, № 2, с. 21—37; М. Николова. Обичаят Петльовден // Изв. на Народен музей Варна. Варна, кн. IX (XXIV), 1973, с. 153—183; Р. Попов. Обичаят «Кокоша черква« у българите // Българска етнография. София, 1986, т. XI, № 2, с. 15—23.

    <- 11. См.: St. Genčev. Gemeinsame Elemente im Brauchsystem von Bulgaren und Russen. I. Das rituelle Wärmen der Toten mit Feuer // Etnologia Slavica. Bratislava, t. VIII—IX, 1976—1977, s. 227—234.

 

    315: Современные исследования отечественных и болгарских ученых показали, что троецыплятница не занимает столь изолированного положения в славянской обрядности как это представлялось Зеленину, и подтверждают его мысль о том, что «время происхождения обряда... теряется в глубине веков». Во-первых, систематизированы историчекие известия о жертвоприношениях домашней птицы в Древней Руси, известные и во времена Зеленина, но не использованные в его статье (о принесении в жертву кур и петухов славянами-язычниками свидетельствуют византийские писатели X в. Константин Багрянородный и Лев Диакон, арабский путешественник Ибн-Фадлан, древнерусские памятники учительной литературы, см.: И. С. Дуйчев. К вопросу о языческих жертвоприношениях в Древней Руси // Культурное наследие Древней Руси. М., 1976, С. 31—34). Во-вторых, изучение болгарских обрядов, связанных с домашней птицей (Петльовден, Кокоша черква), позволило установить их типологическое, а возможно, и генетическое, родство с вятской троецыплятницей (см.: Ст. Генчев. Общи элемента в обичайната система на българи и руси. Българският Петльов ден и руската Троециплятница // Българска етнография, София, 1979, № 2, с. 21—37; М. Николова. Обичаят Петльовден // Изв. на Народен музей Варна, Варна, кн. IХ (XXIV), 1973. с. 153—183; Р. Попов. Обичаят «Кокоша черква» у българите // Бьлгарска етнография, София, 1986г т. XI, № 2, с. 15—23). Таким образом, можно считать установленным, что троецыплятница, несмотря на локально ограниченный характер ее распространения, имеет глубокие исторические корни не только в культуре русского народа, но и славянских народов в целом.

 

 

    - Н. И. Толстой: «Очерки русской мифологии» Д. К. Зеленина и развитие русской мифологической науки  (Вступ. статья к: Д. К. Зеленин. Избранные труды. Очерки русской мифологии: Умершие неестественною смертью и русалки, изд. «Индрик» Москва 1995)

 

    -

 

    -

 

 

- Momčilo Spremić, La migrazione degli Slavi nell’Italia meridionale e in Sicilia alla fine del Medioevo  (Archivio Storico Italiano, 138, 1, 1980, 3-15)

p. 4:
From 866 to 877 the Saracens attack Ragusa, which, with the neighboring cities, is saved by the Byzantine fleet. [4] Immediately after the emperor Basil I ferry many Slavs to Puglia, to fight against Muslims. But the Slavs pass to the service of these, embrace Islam, and with them advance in southern Italy, in Sicily, going as far as Spain. Some of them make a career among soldiers. In the first half of the X. century. even an Emir of Sicily is of Slavic origin, [5] and in 926 the Count of Zacumia, Michele Višević, occupies the Byzantine Siponto without fighting, enjoying now the Slavs, in that area, of strong support. ...

<- Francesco Nazzareno, : "there is the curious reference to a certain Lo Schiavo di Bari, in an ancient short story written by an anonymous XIII century, inserted in the collection called Gualteruzziana (Bologna, 1525) and then in the Borghiniana (Florence, 1572). This collection was titled, at the beginning, "The hundred ancient novellas" and later "Novellino" (the best known title), and also "Book of novels or of nice kind talk". The "Lo Schiavo" to which we refer was called to redeem a question that arose between two men because of a loan of three hundred bisants. About this character, Giuseppe Morpurgo notes: “it seems he is a scabino, or judge; unless he's a Michael Sclavus, Muslim governor of Bari in 925".

Besides the Puglia, the Slavs also populate the neighboring regions, as André Guillou, expert connoisseur of southern Byzantine Italy, remembers: in the 10th century Calabria live several Serbs. One of them, a certain Vukašin (typically Serbian name), with his forty thousand men in 981 countered the advance of Emperor Otto II. [6] Coeval the presence of Slavs in Sicily: in the sec. X, in Palermo, are a "Porta Sclavorum", a "neighborhood" of the Slavs, the church "of the Ragusei or of the Slavs". [7]

[5] . K. Jreček, Istorija Srba [History of the Serbs], I, Beograd 1952, p. 115.
[7] . V. di Giovanni, The Schiavoni district in the sec. X and the loggia de 'Catalani in Palermo in 1771 , "Sicilian historical archive", II, 1867, pp. 40-64. See G. Gelcich, Slave Colonies in Southern Italy , Split 1908, p. 6.

p. 5:
Of the presence of Slavs in southern Italy of the century. X there are numerous testimonials. They mainly live in the Gargano area, where, between 1043 and 1054, Serbs and other Slavs are owners of lands near Vieste, Varano and other localities. They make donations of farms to the monastery of Santa Maria nelle Tremiti, and many (this is a particularly significant fact) bear the name "zupan". [8] When the Norman conquest begins, Roberto il Guiscardo has a contingent of Slavs. In the winter of 1054 he used their knowledge of the land to supply himself (in Calabria) with food, [9] which means that they have long lived in that region, as well as in Sicily. It is clear that many Slavs, then, in southern Italy and Sicily are warriors, and a group of them would even have attempted to kill Duke Roger; [10]

[10]. G. Malaterra, op. cit. , p. 56.

p. 6:
By fighting against Byzantium, the Normans try to bring the lords and cities of the eastern shore to their power. In 1075 the Norman "comes" Amico (of Giovinazzo) waged a real war in Dalmatia, from where he brought the Croatian "king" prisoner with many other people. [12] In 1081 Roberto il Guiscardo was helped by the Dalmatian cities in his fight against Byzantium, and Ragusa recognized their authority from 1081 to 1085. [13] Then the Serbian lords of the Zeta became related to the Normans, [14] and so the intense relationships created between the circles in power cause a more intense mixing of populations. They also continue in the century. XII, when the influence (as well as the immediate power) of the Normans, becomes stronger on the Balkan shore. It is known with certainty that Ragusa periodically recognizes their lordship, and that in 1186 a high official of King William lives there. [15]

p. 11:
In the sec. XV, in addition to economic reasons, political ones also intensify migration. With the advance of the Turkish advance, the Christian states of the Balkans disintegrate and many refugees rush to the coast. Some die, but a large number manage to be brought to Italy, and this happens after some important political events, such as after the failed revolt of Grbalj in 1452, when refugees are ferried to Puglia with the Dubrovnik and Budva ships. [39] Between 1454 and 1455 many refugees, mostly from the lands of Duke Stefano Vukčić, flocked to the coast in search of any ship that would transfer them overseas. There are many that in January 1455 the government of Ragusa began to transport them to southern Italy at its own expense. [40]

p. 12:
It also appears that King Alfonso of Aragon himself has refugees transported to his own state. [42] After the collapse of the Serbian Despotate (1459) and the Kingdom of Bosnia (1463), the Adriatic coast was literally invaded by refugees, so much so that the Ragusa authorities decided, in February 1464, to pay again to have them transported to Puglia, in the Marches, in Venice, in other places...

p. 13-14:
Thus in 1492 the king of Naples exempted the Ragusei allocated to Trani from the "tertiary picis et ferri" taxes; [51] four years earlier he had granted a privilege to the immigrants of Trani according to which two of the fifteen representatives of the city must be "of Greek or Albanian or Schivona origin". [52]

 

 

- Pavle Ivić, Balkan Slavic Migrations in the Light of South Slavic Dialectology  (In: Henrik Birnbaum, ‎Speros Vryonis (eds.), Aspects of the Balkans. Continuity and change, 1972, 66-86)

    стр. 75: Štokavian-Čakavian i-dialects (with various shades, and with varying shares of Štokavian and Čakavian features) were transplanted from Dalmatia to the Venetian-dominated parts of Istria and to the province of Molise in southern Italy (numerous other Croatian colonies in various provinces of the former Kingdom of Naples are now extinct, so that we cannot judge about their dialects).

 

- Ana Perinić: Moliški Hrvati. Rekonstrukcija kreiranja i reprezentacije jednog etničkog identiteta  (Etnološka tribina 36, 29, 2006, 91-106)  (.pdf файл от www.hrcak.srce.hr)

    95: Neke od temeljnih hipoteza o porijeklu jezika, mogućoj pradomovini i imigraciji te slavenske zajednice su:
    1. Vikentij Vasil'evič Makušev (1874.), ruski jezikoslovac i povjesničar, na temelju nekih staroslavenskih riječi koje su iščezle iz hrvatskoga i srpskoga, a zadržale se u bugarskome, zaključio je da su doseljenici bugarskoga porijekla.
    2. Risto Kovačević (1885.) tvrdio je da su iz Srbije.
    3. Josip Aranza (1892.) – iz zadarske okolice.
    4. Josip Gelcich (1908.) – iz Crne Gore, kolonije su osnovali doseljenici Crnogorci između 1513. i 1517. godine.

96:
    5. Josip Smodlaka (1906.) na temelju analize narječja koje je čisto ikavsko i pretežno štokavsko tvrdi da njihovo porijeklo treba tražiti južno od Cetine u neretvansko-biokovskom primorju.
    6. Milan Rešetar (1911.) – smatra da potječu iz područja Cetine i Neretve, i to naročito s donjeg toka Neretve.
    7. Teodoro Badurina (1950.) nalazi analogiju između njihovih govora i prezimena s onima u južnoj i jugozapadnoj Istri.
    8. Miroslav Pantić (1977.) na temelju zapisa jedne bugarštice zabilježene u južnoj Italiji 1497. tvrdi da su moliške slavenske naseobine osnovali doseljenici iz Srbije, Bosne i Hercegovine te Primorja koji su pred Turcima bježali u primorske gradove i dalje u Italiju.
    9. Dalibor Brozović (1970.) i Petar Šimunović (1984.) – pradomovina je bila u podbiokovskom području, gdje su se ikavski zapadnoštokavski i čakavski govori prije velikih migracija u doba turskih prodora gotovo dodirivali i bili manje polarizirani nego igdje drugdje.

Većina se znanstvenika oslanja na tezu da je domovima moliških Slavena bila na neretvanskom području (Smodlaka, Rešetar, Brozović i Šimunović). Ishodišni jezični sustav bio je zapadnoštokavsko-ikavski govor s brojnim čakavizmima i talijanizmima. "Ti čakavizmi rezultat su prisnog susjedstva ikavskih štokavaca sa čakavcima u staroj domovini, ali i naslanjanja štokavsko-ikavskih naseljenika u južnoj Italiji s kraja XV. i početka XVI. stoljeća na ostatke starijeg iseljeničkog sloja na tom prostoru za koji postoje povijesni i jezični dokazi" (Šimunović, 1984:58). Prijelazni čakavsko-štokavski govori nalazili su se na granici čakavske Dalmacije i štokavske Hercegovine. Dalibor Brozović (1970.), analizirajući dijalekte u predmigracijskom razdoblju na području Neretve, zaključuje da se južno od rijeke Cetine na biokovskom području u to doba govorio biokovsko-cetinski (ikavsko-štokavski) dijalekt s pretežno štokavskim osobinama i prirodnim čakavskim primjesama. Sujoldžić i suradnici (1986.) u svojim istraživanjima "lingvističkih udaljenosti" također su dokazali da su doseljenici u pokrajinu Molise došli iz područja južno od Cetine.

    97: Imigracijom je jezik odvojen od ostalih hrvatskih dijalekata, njihova razvoja, standardizacije i posuđivanja iz hrvatskoga standardnog jezika. Očuvano je jezično stanje iz doba napuštanja domovine i preneseno u novu domovinu, kao primjer "fosiliziranog" dijalekta. Na prostoru Italije doseljenici su prilagodili svoj jezik novoj okolini, s vremenom dolazi do asimilacije, o čemu najbolje svjedoči podatak da su se od 15 pretpostavljenih sela jezično očuvala samo tri, udaljena od talijanskih naselja, a opet geografski međusobno blizu. Rešetar (1911.) u svojoj studiji ističe da je došlo do brže asimilacije slavenskih doseljenika u odnosu na albanske doseljenike, čije su se zajednice na jugu Italije sačuvale određenijim i mnogobrojnijim značajkama etničke skupine od slavenskih doseljenika. Može se pretpostaviti da su doseljenici poznavali talijanski prije doseljenja u Italiju. "U frazeologiji i u sintaksi ima mnogo romanskih pojava još iz predmigracijskih vremena" (Heršak, 1982:24).

    99: Od običaja koje su donijeli iz pradomovine i sačuvali u novoj postojbini je tzv. Zeleni Juras, svečanost proljeća i plodnosti; običaj se sačuvao kao fešta do majo (Scotti, 1980). U materijalnoj kulturi je značajno tekstilno rukotvorstvo, tkalačka djelatnost (osobito u Mundimitru) te tkalački nazivi prenijeti iz domovine (krosne, brdo, kudelja, niti) uz neke elemente narodne nošnje.

    101: Tri sela moliških Hrvata smještena su u unutrašnjosti, na geografski izoliranom, planinskom području koje je slabo povezano sa susjednim talijanskim naseljima. O tome najbolje svjedoče i opisi putnika-znanstvenika koji su posjećivali moliškohrvatska naselja: Milana Rešetara (1911.) i Stjepana Krpana (1980.). Unatoč vremenskom odmaku u kojem su poduzeli svoja putovanja među moliške Hrvate (69 godina), opisi prometne izoliranosti i slabe povezanosti s ostatkom pokrajine i talijanske države uopće gotovo su identični.

- HERŠAK, Emil (1982): Hrvati u talijanskoj pokrajini Molise, Teme o iseljeništvu 11, Zagreb, str. 7-45.
- SUJOLDŽIĆ, Anita; FINKA, Božidar; ŠIMUNOVIĆ, Petar; RUDAN, Pavao (1987): Jezik i porijeklo stanovnika slavenskih naseobina u pokrajini Molise, Italija, Rasprave Zavoda za jezik IFF 13, Zagreb, str. 117-145.
 

 

-  Krzysztof Feruga, Socjolingwistyczne uwarunkowania języka molizańskich Chorwatów  (Uniwersytet Śląski, Wydział Filologiczny, Katowice 2008, 219 p.)  (.pdf файл от www.sbc.org.pl)

    10: In the 11th century, there were numerous Slavic colonies in Puglia, especially around Bari and in other towns along the Adriatic coast.
 

    11: They are also known to be present in the region of Foggia, Benevento and Santeramo, as well as in northern Calabria. [6]

During the Norman rule on the Apennine Peninsula, a huge mass of Slavic knights served under the leadership of Norman Robert Guiscard. Under his command, they repeatedly defeated the enemy. [7]

The city of San Vito degli Schiavoni was founded between 1097 and 1099 (today it is inhabited by almost 19,000 inhabitants). Until today, no trace of the presence of the Slavs in these areas has survived. However, the church of Sanctus Vitus de Sclavonibus is mentioned, from around 1365. [8] On 13 December 1863 the city changed its name to San Vito dei Normanni. The inhabitants wanted to associate the name of their city more with the Normans, who once ruled these lands, than with the previous reference to the Slavs, because schiava means 'slave' in Italian. [9]

--> https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/San_Vito_dei_Normanni

The name of the city once included the words "degli Schiavoni", meaning "of the Slavs".[7] To escape the persecutions of the Saracens, they migrated from Dalmatia to the opposite coast of the Adriatic, settling in late 963 in the fertile regions of Apulia.[8]

 

7. Šimunović: Moliški Hrvati i njihova imena: Molize i druga naselja u južnoj Italiji u motrištu tamošnjih hrvatskih onomastičkih podataka, 2012, p. 190. The 12th century confirmation of Slavic toponyms Castelluccio degli Schiavoni and San Vito degli Schiavoni | https://hrcak.srce.hr/81924

8. Saqaliba – Slavs in the Arab World, Part 2 (Slavic pirates, western part of which Slavs are known to have settled during 632 in Crete and Asia Minor, and in 642 Apulia by Slavs from Dalmatia ), by Niklot, June 12, 2017 | http://slavicchronicles.com/history/saqaliba-slavs-in-the-arab-world-part-2-slavs-of-muslim-iberia-and-slavic-pirates/

In the 13th century, groups of Slavic merchants settled along the western Adriatic coast and in the lands of the Kingdom of Naples, establishing their own communities, recognized by local authorities. These groups also had their own churches. [10] In the same century, around 1290, Slavi cum casalibus are mentioned in Abruzzo, who were supposed to come from Dalmatia and cross the Vasto port into Abruzzo. [11] Mention is also made of the Church of San Niccolò degli Schiavoni from 1362 in the city of Vasto, which was destroyed in 1638. [12]

6. Por. Gestrin F., 1998: Slovanske migracije v Italijo. Slovenska Matica Ljubljana, s. 22.
7. Op. cit., s. 22.
8. Scotti G., 2006: Hrvatski trokut u Italiji. Liber. Rijeka, s. 78, 82.
9. Op. cit., s. 81.
10. Por. Scotti G., 1966: Hrvatske ozaze u južnoj Italiji, [w:] Iseljenički kalendar M i H. Zagrzeb, s. 103; Vince-Pallua J., 1996: Doprinos utvrđivanju tragova Hrvata u južnoj Italiji, [w:] Tjedan moliških Hrvata. Hrvatska Matica Iseljenika. 16-21. 06. 1996. Zagreb, s. 19; Scotti G., 2006: Hrvatski trokut u Italiji. Liber. Rijeka, s. 78;
11. Rešetar M., 1997: Le colonie serbocroate nell’Italia Meridionale. Campobasso, s. 15.
12. Scotti G., 2006: Hrvatski trokut u Italiji. Liber. Rijeka, s. 78.

 

 

- Стефано Алоэ, Джованни Де Рубертис и другие итальянские корреспонденты В.В. Макушева  (Slavica litteraria. 2012, Brno, vol. 15, iss. Supplementum 2, pp. 11-29)  (.pdf файл от digilib.phil.muni.cz)

        Макушев обещал переписать для итальянского гостя и текст одной южнославянской народной песенки, “Tri dibóke, ceter širóke”. [25]

        [25]: Де Рубертис передает стих по слуху на своем неточном сербскохорватском, смешанном с диалектом (на котором звучало бы вероятно «Tri dimbóke, četir širóke».

 

- Stefano Aloe, Il viaggio in Molise di Marin Drinov e Vikentij Makušev nelle lettere di Giovanni De Rubertis  (В: B. Martinović, D. Mikulaco (ured.) Zbornik radova s 1. Medunarodnoga znanstvenog skupa Kroatistika unutor slavistickoga, europskog i svjetskog konteksta, Pula, 2018 (= Tabula, br. 15, str. 5-19))  (.pdf файл от hrcak.srce.hr)

 

- https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storia_dell%27Abruzzo#Le_scorrerie_turche_del_1566

    Le scorrerie turche del 1566
    Nel 1566, alla fine di luglio, l'Abruzzo e il Molise furono presi d'assalto, nelle loro coste, dai turchi ottomani, capitanati dall'ammiraglio Piyale Paşa (o Pashà). L'attacco iniziò da Giulianova e continuò a sud alla fortezza di Pescara, da circa un ventennio ricostruita completamente per volere di Carlo V.  . . .  Dopo aver cercato di prendere anche Vasto, i turchi proseguirono verso Termoli e Montenero di Bisaccia, dove rubarono il bestiame delle campagne, schiavizzando i pastori. Vennero fatti schiavi anche i cittadini d'etnia slava, perché la fascia costiera con la missione di Giorgio Skandenberg cent'anni prima era stata colonizzata, e grazie a un militare disertore ottomano, questo gruppo di prigionieri ebbe salva la vita.

    After trying to take Vasto as well, the Turks continued towards Termoli and Montenero di Bisaccia, where they stole the cattle from the countryside, enslaving the shepherds. Slavic ethnic citizens were also enslaved, because the coast with the mission of Giorgio Skandenberg had been colonized a hundred years earlier, and thanks to an Ottoman military deserter, this group of prisoners was saved.

 

 

- Александръ Николаевичъ Веселовскій: Генварскія русаліи и готскія игры въ Византіи  (Журналъ Мин. Нар. Просв., ч. 241, СПб., 1885)

        Руссалийскіе игры у албанцев Апулии. Отголоски ѳракійско-македонскаго народно-классическаго культа въ русаліяхъ. Следы январских „русалий", сохранившихся под названиемъ „готской" игры у Константина Порфирородного.

 

- Афанасий Матвеевич Селищев: Извадка от "Македонская диалектология и сербские лингвисты. А. Белич и его последователи"  (Македонски Прегледъ, IX, кн. 1, София, 1934)

        Области нахождения славянских топографических названий в Албании ясно свидетельствуют, что движение славян в средную и южную Албанию и Эпир было не с северо-запада, а с востока: области со славянской топонимией являются непосредственным продолжением областей со славянской топонимией в южной и западной Македонии. ... Движение в области южной Быстрицы, Воюсы, Семени (Осум, Девол), Шкумби шло преимущественно с юговостока, через Костурский и Охридо-ресенский края.

 

 

- Walter Breu:

        - Dizionario croato molisano di Acquaviva Collecroce (Walter Breu — Giovanni Piccoli, con la collaborazione di Snježana Marčec)  (Campobasso 2000)  (.pdf file from www.uni-konstanz.de)

    Откъс, стр. 383-420, с кратка граматика на славомолизкия
        - On the Influence of Italian on the Grammar of Molise Slavic and Italo-Albanian  (In: T. Kahl, I. Krapova, G. Turano (a cura di), Balkan and South Slavic Enclaves in Italy: Languages, Dialects and Identities, 2018)  (excerpts)

    Образуване на бъдеще време с помощта на спомагателния глагол имам. Проклитики и удвояване на клитиките. Загубване на разграничаването между маркирането за място и маркирането за посока на движение и др. Всички тези характеристики, които имат аналози единствено в българския, се обясняват от В. Брой като влияние на италианския върху някакъв-си първоначален, стандартен хърватски диалект.

        - Судьба местного падежа в трех говорах молизско-славянского микроязыка (под влиянием итальянского языка)  (В: А.Д. Дуличено, М. Номати (ред.), Славянская микрофилология. (= Slavica Tartuensia XI). Sapporo 2018)

    "С другой стороны, хорватский литературный язык и большинство его диалектов ведут себя как русский язык. Однако в близко родственном молизско-славянском языке осуществилась полная утрата оппозиции между указаниями места и направления. Причиной этой утраты является контакт с итальянским языком и его диалектами, в которых выражение места и направления совпадают.

        - The grammaticalization of an indefinite article in Slavic micro-languages  (In: Bjorn, Wiemer; Bjorn, Hansen; Wälchli, Bernherd (Eds.), Grammatical Replication and Borrowability in Language Contact. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton: 2012, 275-322)  (.pdf file)

 

 

- Antonietta Marra: Isole linguistiche: la comunità degli Slavi del Molise  (In: Lingue sotto il tetto d'Italia. Le minoranze alloglotte da Bolzano a Carloforte, 13, http://www.treccani.it)

In general, these communities settled in already existing countries and were soon culturally and linguistically assimilated by the local populations, probably as early as the seventeenth century ( Galanti 1781 ), leaving traces of themselves mainly in some traditions related to holidays and seasonal cycles, in toponymy ( Perrone Capano 1963 ; De Giovanni 1987 ) and in onomastics (see also Neri 1987 ). ... The lasting preservation of the Slavic identity of the three Molise centers ... - the strong isolation of the area (which, however, was also typical of other areas previously Slavonic). Only in 1895, in fact, was the construction of the Frentana Provincial Road completed, which passes about 1 km from the least isolated of the three Slavic municipalities, Acquaviva Collecroce and another thirty years (1926) had to wait until Montemitro and San Felice were also connected. The story written by Michelangelo Fonzo on the occasion of his visit to the Slavs of Molise in 1872 offers an idea of ​​what the possibilities of moving to those places were before the provincial opening:

 

«Acquaviva - Voda ziva - is a town on the edge of a hill, from which it slips and becomes muddy. The road that comes to us from San Felice is impractical in winter because of the mud that has to dart; but the Palata one inspires some terrible feeling of nature. ... Certain sheer ravines, certain steep paths, to whose left the stream of Acquaviva flows, make you cross if you believe in it ». ( Phonzo 1872: 2 )

 

Thanks to the testimony of the glottologist Ascoli ( 1864 ; 1867 ) we know that at the end of the nineteenth century the Slavic language was still spoken also by the elders of Tavenna (just over 10 km from Acquaviva Collecroce), and that also in San Biase (about twenty kilometers from the current three Slavic municipalities) a clear Slavic tradition manifested through lexical elements entered in the local novel dialect could be traced.

 

The Slavic (or Croatian) of Molise, called by its own speakers naš jezik or nanaš ( lit. 'our language', 'ours') or also, more recently, zlav ' slavic ', is recognizable as a linguistic variety belonging to the štokavo-ikavo group of Serbo-Croatian dialects ... it nevertheless presents some (few) typical forms of the čakavo dialectal group (such as the past tense forms without -o final or infinitival forms without -i the final). According to Rešetar (1911) these čàkavisms can be explained by the contact existing between the two dialectal groups in the places from which, it was said above, the current Slavic-Molisans could originate.

 

The Slavic of Molise, for example, continues to be a language with a system of cases for the nominal lexicon even though it has increased the use of prepositions even in those contexts where they are not used in Croatian Balkan varieties. In nanaš we say, for example s rukami 'with the hands' or do mbrave 'of the ant', adding the prepositions s 'with' and do 'of' to the names that originally, in the comitative and possessive functions, were used in absolute form ( Marra 2012 ).

 

. . . These names, for example, have a neutral gender in standard Croatian: ìme 'noun', more 'mare', klùpko 'ball', mblijéko 'latte', sèdlo 'chair', čèlo 'forehead' but are largely masculine in Slavic -Molisano ( jima / imen , mor , kljupak , mblika) and only a small percentage of women (sedla , čela).

 

The long inter-linguistic contact meant that in some cases alternative linguistic forms coexisted which subsequently specialized. This is what happened for the forms of the future tence to indicate that the original peripheral form with auxiliary tit 'will' has been joined to the form with auxiliary imat 'have / must', in addition to the possibility of using the form of the present indicative . The last two forms clearly follow structures used with similar or identical functions of the Romance varieties of the area (see Marra 2005 ).

 

The Slavic community of Molise still retains (and in some cases has recovered after a period of neglect) some traditions that we also find among different Balkan populations. Among the most lively is the Festa del Mája on the day of 1st May, during which an anthropomorphic propitiatory mask formed of reeds, straw and decorated with various plant elements is animated and brought to the streets of the town. Currently the tradition is preserved only in Acquaviva Collecroce. Cirese (1955a) signaled its previous existence also in the other two Slavic-Molise municipalities (but also in some other Molise municipalities not far from the Slavophone area).

 

- Petar Skok: O bugarskom jeziku u svjetlosti balkanistike  (Јужнословенски филолог, XII, 1933, 73-146)

 

    - Скок, коментари

 

 

- Раля Михайловна Цейтлин: Сравнительная лексикология славянских языков X/XI—XIV/XV вв. Проблемы и методы  (Москва, "Наука” 1996, 42-44)  (извадка)

 

 

- Александр Саввич Мельничук (ред.): Историческая типология славянских языков: Фонетика. Словообразование. Лексика и фразеология  (Киев, "Наукова Думка” 1986, 137-192)  (извадка)

    137: особенности словообразования производных глаголов - словообразовательные аффиксы глаголов (инвентарь глагольного словообразования).

    140: В целом весьма непродуктивной базой для глагольных форм во всех славянских языках является наречие. Однако в украинском, чешском и сербохорватском языках отнаречных глагольных образований намного больше, чем в других славянских языках.

    141: Поскольку в славянских языках присоединение приставки не изменяет принадлежности слова к части речи, префиксальный способ используется только при образовании новых глагольных форм от глаголов. Среди префиксальных наиболее распространенными являются однопрефиксные глаголы.
...
Двухприставочные глаголы с разными приставками в славянских языках употребляются очень широко. Эти глаголы возникли, по-видимому, еще в праславянский период. ... Согласно подсчетам Л. И. Ройзензона, по наличию бипрефиксных глаголов современные славянские литературные языки располагаются следующим образом: русский — 194, чешский — 164, болгарский — 146, польский — 143, македонский — 142, сербохорватский — 135, словацкий — 129, нижнелужицкий — 109, верхнелужицкий — 108, украинский — 107, словенский — 107, белорусский — 100 [Ройзензон 1974, 69—72
...
Трехприставочных глаголов в целом мало. Они встречаются преимущественно в разговорном стиле. По наличию трехприставочных глаголов славянские литературные языки, согласно Л. И. Ройзензону, располагаются в иной последовательности: болгарский — 178 (вместе с народно-разговорными формами — 680), польский — 82 (177), русский — 76 (151),

    142: 11. При образовании глаголов от основ именных частей речи — преимущественно от имен существительных и прилагательных [2] — во всех славянских языках широко используется суффиксация.

    <- 2. Суффиксальное образование глаголов от глагольных основ тесно связано с образованием форм вида и залога, т. е. относится больше к словоизменению, чем к словообразованию, и поэтому здесь отдельно не рассматривается.

    143: 12. При префиксально-суффиксальном способе, известном еще в праславянский период, деривационное значение производного слова выражается с помощью префикса и суффикса одновременно. Этим способом образуются глаголы преимущественно от имен прилагательных и существительных, изредка от глаголов:

    144: Большинство сложных глаголов в славянских языках имеет книжный характер. Часть из них представляет собой кальки соответствующих образований греческого, латинского и немецкого языков.

    145: Во всех славянских языках главной функцией глагольных префиксов является словообразование. Формообразовательная «перфективирующая» функция, свойство префиксов превращать несовершенный вид производящей основы в совершенный, является сопутствующей.

Среди многочисленных славянских глагольных префиксов выделяется значительная группа, общая для всех славянских языков. Эта группа префиксов восходит еще к праславянскому периоду, возможно, даже к периоду выделения праславянского языка из индоевропейской языковой общности
:

до-, за-, на-, над-, о-, от-, пере-, по-, под-, пред-, при-, раз-.

    <- ? Къде е про- ? - стр. 172.

    148-9: Общими и продуктивными для всех славянских языков суффиксами, использующимися для образования глаголов преимущественно от именных частей речи, являются древние суффиксы, восходящие к праславянскому языку:
. . .
-ну(ть) (-ну-ти, -ну-ць, -на, -не, -ną-ć, -nou-t, -nu-ť, -ny-ć, -na-ś, -ni-ti) > псл. -nǫ-ti, выражающий моментальное однократное действие: р. клюнуть, стукнуть; укр. моргнути, нюхнути; бр. лізнуць, шапнуць; п. dziobnąć, stuknąć; ч. zobnout, klepnout; слц. ďobnúť, buchnúť; вл. buchnyć; нл. buchnuś; болг. бодна, мигна; м. бодне, буцне; схв. кљунути, лупнути; слн. blisniti;

    158: (4a Словообразовательные типы глаголов, мотивированных именными частями речи)
Заключение:

34. В перечисленных словообразовательных типах, общих для всех славянских языков, наибольшую функциональную нагрузку несет суффикс -и- (-і-), входящий в состав 11 словообразовательных типов отыменных глаголов. Второе место по широте употребления занимает суффикс -ова- (-ува-), используемый в 7 словообразовательных типах, за ним следуют суффиксы -а- (4 типа), -е- (-ě-) и -фицирова- (по 2 типа), -ну- и -ка- (по 1 типу).

    165: 60. Единичными примерами представлен во всех славянских языках словообразовательный тип глаголов с префиксом пред- (перед-, przed-, před(e)-, pred-, pśed-, прет-, предо-), означающих действия, предваряющие или предполагающие другие действия: р. предзнаменовать, предвидеть, предчувствовать,

    166: Словообразовательный тип окончательно сформировался в XIX—XX вв. в результате длительного процесса заимствования и калькирования соответствующих слов ///книжным путем/// (ср. стсл. прѣдъвъзвѣщати, гр. προκαταγγέκειν, лат. praenuntiare).
...

(4б Словообразовательные типы глаголов, мотивированных глаголами)
    Заключение:
61. В перечисленных словообразовательных типах, общих для всех славянских языков, наибольшую функциональную нагрузку несут префиксы за- и пере-: каждый из них входит в состав трех разных, но генетически связанных словообразовательных типов, общих для всех славянских языков. За ними следуют префиксы на-, с-, по- и под-, каждый из которых входит в состав двух разных, однако генетически связанных словообразовательных типов. Остальные восемь префиксов — над-, при-, до-, от-, из-, о(б)-, раз- и пред- обнаруживают по одной словообразовательной функции, общей для всех славянских языков.

(II) Межъязыковые различия:

    170: 2. В составе инвентаря глагольного словообразования — префиксов и суффиксов — наибольшие различия обнаруживают глагольные префиксы iz-, pro-, sъ-, u-, vъ-, vъz-, vy-, которые последовательно выделяются лишь в русском языке. Другие славянские языки в употреблении указанных префиксов при образовании глаголов отличаются рядом особенностей.

Восточно- и западнославянские языки, в которых широко употребляется глагольный префикс вы- (ви-, wy-, vy-), в серболужицких языках совпавший с u- (wu-), противостоят в этом отношении южнославянским языкам, совершенно не знающим этого префикса (в соответствующих случаях здесь употребляется префикс из- (ис-, iz-).

3. Серболужицкие языки противостоят всем другим славянским языкам полным отсутствием в них префикса w-, которому здесь чаще всего функционально соответствует префикс za-. Это объясняется тем, что унаследованный всеми славянскими языками из праславянского префикс vъ(n)- серболужицкими языками в ходе их исторического развития был постепенно утрачен.

    172: 8. Восточнославянские, южнославянские и чешский языки, последовательно различающие префиксы про- (pro-) и пере- (пера-, pře-), противостоят остальным западнославянским языкам, в обоих случаях обнаруживающим один и тот же префикс pre- (prze-, pře-, pśe-): р. прорубить — перерубить; укр. пролетіти — перелетіти; бр. прабіць — перабіць; болг. провъртя — превъртя, м. прогледа — прегледа, схв. прокопати — прекопати; слн. prodreti — predreti, ч. probrat — přebrat, но п. przebiec «пробежать, перебежать», przeczekać «переждать»; слц. preletieť «пролететь, перелететь»; вл. přeleceč, нл. pśeleśeś «тж.» и др. Это различие объясняется совпадением двух унаследованных из праславянского языка фонетически и семантически близких префиксов pro- и pre- в польском, словацком и серболужицких языках. Префикс pro- постепенно вытесняется префиксом pre- также в словенском языке. Этому способствует произношение pro- в безударной позиции как pre-, из-за чего наряду с немногочисленными словами с префиксом pro- (prodati, proslaviti и др.) встречаются слова с префиксом pre-, совмещающим функции обоих префиксов: preiti «перейти; пройти», pregledati «пересмотреть, просмотреть». В белорусском языке вследствие аканья и отвердения исконно мягкого р' глагольные префиксы про- и пре- (в церковнославянской огласовке) совпали в пра-: праследваць, прадаць и др.

    174-5: 16. Чешский, словацкий и южнославянские языки противостоят остальным славянским языкам сравнительно широким распространением в них уменьшительного глагольного суффикса -ка- (-ka-, -inka-, -urka-, -у(ц)ка-): слн. stopkati, spančkati; ч. cupkat «топать, идти, семенить» (дет.), tlapkat «семенить», blinkat «тошнить, рвать» (дет.), bolinkat, hajinkat «бай-бай», spinkat; слц. bol’kať, jedkať, robkať, sadkať «присаживаться; садиться» (дет.), dupkať, hajkať, hajinkať, hajenkať; болг. боричкам (се) «бороться (дружески)», гледкам «поглядывать», клатучкам «покачивать», свиркам «насвистывать», тропкам, тупкам; м. боцка «покалывать», клацка «покачивать», свирка, тропка, тупка; схв. боцкати, говоркати, дремуцкати, зопкати «поклевывать», пијуцкати, певуцкати, свиркати и др.

17. В глагольной суффиксации южнославянских языков наблюда- ются и чисто местные суффиксы, в частности, болг. -ул-я, -ол-я, м. -ол-и, схв. -уши-ти, слн. -lja-ti, имеющие деминутивное значение: болг. кривуля, въртоля, трополя, шумоля; м. шумоли, шушоли; схв. певушити и др. В противоположность этому, некоторые суффиксы имеют аугментативное или пейоративное значение: болг. -отя (увеличительное и пренебрежительное значение) — гукотя, драскотя, мачкотя, тропотя, цапотя; м. -оти (увеличительное значение) — грготи, ломоти, пискоти, трескоти, штракоти; схв. -уљити, -уцкати, -арати (пренебрежительное значение) — смејуљити се, дремуцкати, вуцарати се «шляться, слоняться», лупарати «нести вздор, молоть чепуху». Эти суффиксы явились результатом самостоятельного развития словообразовательных систем отдельных южнославянских языков.

    176: 22. Болгарский, македонский и словенский языки выделяются отсутствием у них свойственного в незначительной степени всем остальным славянским языкам словообразовательного типа глаголов с суффиксом -а- (-я-), означающих проявление свойств или действий, характерных для предмета, называемого мотивирующим именем существительным. Ср. р. светать, холодать, петлять; укр. світати, холодати, петляти; бр. світаць, пятляць; п. świtać; ч. svítat; слц. svitať; вл. świtać; нл. switaś; схв. колоти «кружиться». Эго различие возникло в результате утраты тремя южнославянскими языками унаследованного из праславянского языка немногочисленного словообразовательного типа.

    184-5: 56. Серболужицкие языки, не имеющие словообразовательного типа глаголов с префиксом w-, означающих движение или действие, направленное внутрь предмета, противостоят остальным языкам, для которых этот тип является обычным. Ср.: р. въехать, войти, влить; укр. вбігти, увійти, вкинути; бр. убегчы, увагнаць; п. wlecieć, wepchnąć; ч. vkročit, vepsat; слц. vletieť, vohnuť; болг. введа, въвлека; м. влезе, вложи; схв. улетети, утиснути; слн. vlesti, vložiti, uvesti. Различие вызвано полной утратой префикса w- в серболужицких языках. Его пространственную функцию здесь перенял на себя префикс za- (вл. zaběhnyč «вбежать», нл. zabiś «вбить»).

57. В славянских языках отсутствует единый общий для них словообразовательный тип префиксальных глаголов, означающих движение или действие, направленное изнутри предмета. В этом отношении имеет место четкое различие между южнославянскими и остальными славянскими языками.

а) Восточнославянские и западнославянские языки, в которых имеется словообразовательный тип глаголов указанной семантики с префиксом вы- (wy-, vy-, wu-), противостоят южнославянским языкам, не знающим этого типа. Ср.: р. вылететь, выгрузить; укр. вискочити, винести; бр. вьтльїсці, выграбці; п. wyleźć, wygnać; ч. vyskočit, vylit; слц. vystúpiť, vyviezť; вл. wuplunyć, wusunyć; нл. wuleśeś, wugnaś. Различие вызвано ранней и полной утратой унаследованного префикса vy- в южнославянских языках, которые сохранили в этой функции только префикс из- (iz-).

б) Южнославянские языки, обнаруживающие как семантическое соответствие к предыдущему типу только словообразовательный тип с префиксом из- (ис-, iz-), противостоят в этом отношении остальным славянским языкам, не знающим этого типа. Ср.: болг. изляза, изведа; м. избега, избере; схв. изјахати, извести; слн. izgnati, izliti. Различие обусловлено утратой в восточных и западных славянских языках этого унаследованного из праславянского языка словообразовательного типа, вытесненного здесь образованиями с унаследованным префиксом вы- (ви-, wy-, vу-,

58. Польский, словацкий и серболужицкие языки, в которых имеется словообразовательный тип глаголов с префиксом prze- (pre-, pře-, pśe-), означающих движение или действие, связанное с перемещением в пространстве мимо какого-нибудь предмета или сквозь, предмет, и отсутствует семантически соответствующий ему тип с префиксом pro-, противостоят остальным славянским языкам, которые в таком значении имеют только тип с префиксом про- (pro-) и не имеют соответствующего типа с префиксом пере- (пре-, pre-). Ср.: р. проплытьл провезти, пролезть, пробить; укр. пройти, пронести, проколоти; бр. праляцець, праехаць, пранізаць, прапаліць; ч. proběhnout, pronést, probodnout, prolomit; болг. пробягам, пробода, провъртя; м. проплива, прогризе; схв. пропузити «проползти», пробости, продратиг но п. pzrepłynąć, przewieść, przeleźć, przebić; слц, prebehnúť, prehryzť, prevřtať; вл. pfepłuwać, prebić, překopac «прокопать»; нл. pšeběgaš, pśekopaś. Промежуточное положение между обеими группами языков занимает словенский, в котором имеются оба типа — c pro- и с pre-. Ср.: слн. prodreti «проникнуть», prosevati «просвечивать», predreti «проколоть», prebosti «тж.», prebiti «пробить». Различие между двумя группами языков вызвано полным слиянием в большинстве западнославянских языков унаследованного префикса pro- с префиксом prže- (pre-, pře-, pśe-).

    188: белорусский и сербохорватский (фонетическое совпадение префиксов в- и у-),
 

 

- Елена В. Синицына: О происхождении префиксов и развитии их семантики в русском языке  (Cuadernos de Rusística Española 8, 2012, 163-169)  (.pdf file)

 

 

108. Куркина Л.В. Некоторые вопросы формирования южных славян в связи с паннонской теорией Е. Копитара // ВЯ. 1981. № 3.

 

110. Куркина Л.В. Праславянские диалектные истоки южнославянской языковой группы // ВЯ. 1985. № 4.

 

110а. Куркина Л.В. Диалектная структура праславянского языка по данным южно-славянской лексики. Любляна, 1992.

 

 

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6. Пентаполис:

 

 

- Alberto Polverari:

    - Una Bulgaria nella Pentapoli. Longobardi, bulgari e sclavini a Senigallia  (Senigallia, 1969)

    - Monteporzio e Castelveccio nella storia  (Urbino, 1980; Re-print: Quaderni del Consiglio regionale delle Marche. Ancona, 2014)

 

- Roberto Bernacchia, La Bulgaria del basso Cesano tra tarda antichità e alto medioevo  (POLIDORO. Studi offerti ad Antonio Carile a cura di Giorgio Vespignani, Spoleto, 2013)

 

- Олег Робертович Бородин:

    - Равеннский экзархат. Византийцы в Италии  (Алетейя, СПб. 2001)

    - Славяне в Италии и в Истрии в VI-VIII вв.  (Византийский Временник, 44, 1983)

 

 

Павел Диакон сообщает, что в 642 г. в районе г. Сипунт в Апулии высадились славяне, пришедшие «на множестве кораблей». Против них выступил беневентский герцог Айо. В бою его конь упал в ров, выкопанный пришельцами вокруг своего лагеря. Славяне набросились на Айо и убили его вместе с несколькими сподвижниками. Брат Айо Ронизальд, узнав о смерти герцога, прибыл к месту схватки и обратился к славянам с примирительной речью на их родном языке. Склонив славян к перемирию, он затем неожиданно напал на них и значительную часть их перебил, а остальных принудил бежать из пределов герцогства [64].

 

64. Paul. Diac., IV, 44. Сообщение Павла Диакона подтверждает хроника св. Бенедикта Монтекассинского: «Он (Айо. — О. Б.) сражался с славянами на Ауфиде (совр. Офанто. — О. Б.) и они убили его благодаря хитрости» (см.: Chronica S. Benedicti / Ed. G. H. Pertz. — MGH, Scriptores, t. III, p. 200).

 

Болгарский ученый М. Дринов считал, что речь идет о славянах из Греции или Эпира, известных дальними морскими экспедициями [65] (на Крит в 623 г., к стенам Константинополя в 626 г.). А. Гийу считает высадившихся в Апулии славян представителями первой волны славянских поселенцев в Иллирии, вытесняемых хорватами [66].

 

65. Дринов М. С. Заселение Балканского полуострова славянами. М., 1873, с. 131.

66. Guillou A. Migration et présence. . ., р. 13.

 

От более позднего времени (X в), имеется сообщение о высадке в Апулии славян во главе с Михаилом, князем Захлумья [68].

 

68. Annales Barenses/ Ed. G. H. Pertz. — MGH, Scriptores, t. V, 1884, p. 53.

 

До сих пор не разрешен вопрос о судьбе уцелевших после разгрома участников похода 642 г. Т. Ходкин решительно утверждал, что оставшиеся в живых славяне бежали обратно в свою землю [70]. Гийу считает, что они могли отступить в Равеннский экзархат, где имеется славянская топонимика [71].

 

 

Polverari, str. 10-11:

 

Il 7 novembre 1085 Berardo di Ofredo e Fiasia sua moglie donano alla figlia Addasi, oltre ad altri beni, la loro proprietà posta nel territorio di Senigallia «nel vico dei Bulgari detto degli Sclavini» (5).

(На 7 ноември 1085 г. Берардо ди Офредо и съпругата му Фиасия даряват на дъщеря си Аддаси, в допълнение към други активи, имуществото им, разположено на територията на Сенигалия «в селището на българите, известни като Sclavini» (5))

(5) Originale, ACGr, Pergamene di Fonte Avellana, n. 16: «in territorio Senogallie in vico Bulgarum qui vocatur Sclavinorum».

 

Questo vico era sito presso la chiesa di S. Gervasio, che, come si vedrà più avanti, era appunto chiamata «di Bulgaria» o anche dei Bulgari». La chiesa esiste tuttora presso Mondolfo tra le località Ponte Rio e Cento Croci.

Тази алея е била разположена при църквата на С. Гервазио, която, както ще видим по-късно, се е наричала „на България“ или дори на българите “. Църквата все още съществува близо до Мондолфо между местностите Понте Рио и Сенто Крочи.

 

 

Бородин, цитиращ Guillou: Migration et présence slaves en Italie du VIe au XIe siècle (1973) (Равенский Экзархат, стр. 329):

В неизданной дарственной грамоте XI в. из архива монастыря Санта Кроче Авеллана упоминается «vicus Bulgarorum qui vocatur Sclavinorum» в районе Чезано [97]. Название свидетельствует о совместном расселении в Италии тюркоболгар и славян, а возможно, и о том, что местное латинское население путало их друг с другом.

 

Bernacchia, str. 793:

S. Gervasio di Bulgaria: . . . Nell’età esarcale-longobarda il luogo dovette assumere il nome di vicus Bulgarum q.v. Sclavinorum, attestato nel sec. XI: Bulgarum è un gen. plur. della III decl., seguita dagli scrittori e dai documenti dell’alto medioevo. L’emendatio del Guillou, Régionalisme cit. (nota 10), pp. 98-99, in Bulgarorum è ingiustificata e ha tratto in inganno Capaldo, Civiltà scrittoria cit., (nota 68), p. 92, che pure nella forma Sclavinorum riconosce un collegamento di questi Slavi con i Bulgari.

С. Гервазио от България: . . . В екзархално-ломбардската епоха мястото трябвало да носи името на vicus Bulgarum q.v. Sclavinorum, атестиран в сек. XI: Булгарумът е род. PLUR. от III укл., последван от писатели и документи от ранното средновековие. Допълването на Guillou, Régionalisme cit. (бележка 10), стр. 98-99, в Bulgarorum е неоправдано и е измамил Capaldo, Civiltà писател, цит., (Забележка 68), стр. 92, което също във формата Sclavinorum признава връзка на тези славяни с българите.

 

Об обстоятельствах перехода лангобардов от арианства к католичеству см.: Дворецкая И. А. Из Паннонии в Италию. (Христианизация завоевателей и генезис варварской государственности в Италии VI—VIII вв. ) // Античность и раннее Средневековье. Социально-политические и этнографические процессы. Межвузовский сборник научных трудов. Нижний Новгород, 1991. С. 132-136.

45. Конкретной целью экспедиции Константа II, по мнению А. Стратоса, было объединение византийских владений на юге Италии. Необходимым условием этого являлся захват герцогства Беневент. См.: Stratos А. N. Expédition de l’empereur Constantin III surnomé Constant en Italie // Bizanzio e l’Italia. Raccolta di studi in memoria di Agostino Pertusi. Milano, 1982. P. 348-357. Впрочем, Констант II расчитывал co временем полностью вытеснить лангобардов из Италии. С этим стремлением Э. Хрисос связывает факт наречения именем Юстиниана — избавителя Италии от готов — внука Константа II (будущего императора Юстиниана II). См.: Chrysos Е. Byzantine Diplomacy, A. D. 300-800: Means and Ends // Byzantine Diplomacy, Papers from the Twenty-Fourth Spring Simposium of Byzantine Studies. Ed. by J. Shepard. S. Frautliy, Aldershot, 1992. P. 27.

73. Lot F. Les invasions germanique. La penétration mutuelle du monde barbare et du monde romain. P., 1935. P. 283. Лангобарды, в свою очередь, относились к византийцам крайне негативно. В «Истории беневентских лангобардов» Эрхемберта отмечается, что греки «по своей природе звери и, будучи номинально христианами, по своим нравам не лучше сарацин» (Erchemperti Historia Langobardorum Beneventanorum // Scriptores rerum langobardicarum... P. 264). T. С. Браун привел недавно серьезные аргументы в пользу той точки зрения, что еще в IX-XI вв. присутствие византийцев на юге Италии служило стимулом для этнической консолидации лангобардов Сполето и Беневента, воспринимавших греков как своих непримиримых противников. См.: Brown Т. S. Ethnic Independence and Cultural Deference: the Attitude of the Lombard Principalities to Byzantium c. 876-1077 // Byzantinoslavica, LIV, Praha, 1993. P. 5-12.

103. В то время как в экзархате известно всего несколько болгарских наименований, применительно к Южной Италии, где, в основном, осели протоболгары Альцека, И. Дуйчев говорит о «многочисленнейших» болгарских топонимах. См.: Dujcev I. I rapporti fra la Calabria e la Bulgaria nel Medioevo // Atti del 4 Congresso storico calabrese. Napoli, 1969. P. 239
 

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7. Южна Апулия (друго име?). Св. Никола ди Счиавоне. Градчето Джоя дел Колле (Gioia del Colle) близо до Бари:

 

- "Ora vijas nat gradum Smerevo". An excerpt from: Rogeri de Pacienza di Nardò, Lo Balzino, libro V (1498).  (Mario Marti (ред.). Edizioni digitali del CISVA, 2010)

        "O rauias natgradum smereuo nit core

        nichiasce sninie gouorithi nego jamco

        goiuoda gouorasce istmize molimtise..."

 

- Petar Šimunović: Šklavunske naseobine u južnoj Italiji i naša prva zapisana bugaršćica  (Narodna umjetnost, Zagreb, 1984)

        Авторът сравнява текста на "бугарщицата" с езика на молизките хървати, както и запазените имена на тридесетината участници с антропонимичните данни от шклавунските заселници в южна Италия. Според него икавските, и някои чакавски, характеристики на песента показват връзка с диалекта от устието на реката Неретва в Далмация. Шимунович отхвърля твърдението на Мирослав Пантич, откривателя на "първата сръбска бугарщица", за "сръбския характер" на песента. Имената на изпълнителите били съвпадали с първите и втори имена на "молизки хървати" и други хърватски заселници в южна Италия. А бугарщиците всички били произлизали от южна (и западна) Хърватско + от Которския залив, а не от Сърбия.

 

- David E. Bynum: The Collection and Analysis of Oral Epic Tradition in South Slavic: An Instance  (Oral Tradition, 1/2, 1986)  (.pdf файл от www.journal.oraltradition.org)

        Бинум отхвърля твърдението на Шимунович, че Рожер де Пациенца е записал бугарщица, т.е. епична песен. Според него става дума за лирична песен. Някои от имената на изпълнителите били без съмнение сръбски (Вукашин, Рашко, Вукосава и др.)

 

- Sonja Petrovic: Oral and Written Art Forms in Serbian Medieval Literature (откъс)  (In: E. Mundal, J. Wellendorf (eds.). Oral Art Forms and Their Passage Into Writing. Copenhagen, 2008, pp. 85–108)

        Английски превод на бугарщицата

 

- Бошко Сувајџић: „Орао се вијаше“. Над градом формула  (В: Б. Сувајџић, Бр. Златковић (уред.), Промишљања традиције. Фолклорна и литерарна истраживања, Београд 2014, стр. 147-164)  (.pdf файл от www.ikum.org.rs)

        Преглед на досегашните изследвания по въпроса 

 

 

 

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8. Неапол. Евгениус Вулгарус. Остров Исчия.

 

 

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9. Нормани в южна Италия (Шчиавоне в Сицилия, Роберт Склаво в Телеси, Полкарино. Макушев, Д'Амико за Неапол):

 

 

- Tommaso Vitale, Storia della regia città di Ariano e sua diocesi  (Roma, 1794)

стр. 338: POLCARINO: Questa Terra, che oggidì vien chiamata anche Villanova, situata su di un’ ameno Colle, a mezzo giorno della città di Ariano, a vista di essa, e lontana dalla medesima sole miglia quattro, si trova esser stata abitata da’ Schiavoni [1]. E ciò è talmente vero, che nell’anno 1584, non solo vi si parlava la Lingua Schiavona [2], ma l’Università di Polcarino nell’istesso anno 1584, essendo vacata l’Arcipretura di detta Terra, e fattasene la nomina in persona di un Sacerdote di Casa Balsamo Napoletano, comparve nella Curia Vescovile di Ariano, domandando con formale istanza, che non si ammettesse tal nomina, nè si ergesse Arciprete Italiano, ma si conferisse l’Arcipretura ad Ecclesiastico di nazione Schiavone, o Dalmatino ; siccome trovavasene in antico possesso. Su di ciò convocò pure un pubblico Parlamento, che leggesi inserito nell’istrumento, rogato per Notar Cesare de Medicis di Zuncoli a’26. gennajo 1584. [3]. Ed è cosi certo, l’ esser stata detta Terra abitata da’ Schiavoni, che nell’anno 1620. riteneva tuttavia il nome di Polcarino de’ Schiavoni [4]. . . . - Славяни и албанци са споменати и на стр. 112 и на стр. 408, 423 като обитаващи самия град Ариано и задължени да обработват лозя и да плащат тегоби като останалите граждани през 1491 и през 1498 г.

 

- Michele Russo: La contea di Cajazzo in età normanna  (Rassegna Storica online, 1, 2000)

    стр. 3: бележка 12 . In the aforementioned Bull of Santo Stefano the villages of ... "ad Sassa "(Castel di Sasso)

    стр. 11: we report the consideration he had in ecclesiastical circles, in the same way as his brother Riccardo and his nephew Giordano, principles of Capua, especially by Desiderio, abbot of Montecassino and later pope with name of Vittore III. All three named Normans participated on 1 October 1071 in the consecration of the new abbey of Montecassino by Desiderio. A few years later, in 1078, Giordano and Rainolfo went to Rome where they obtained from Gregory VII the acquittal from the interdict that the pope had imposed on the synod of that year to Guiscaldo and all his supporters. Thus began a privileged relationship between the Normans of Capua and the Holy See destined to last a long time; from this moment the capuan dynasties,who in previous battles had lined up alongside the Apulian compatriots, [44] destined later to the southern crown, they support the papal policy of curbing the growing power of the Guiscardo schiatta. Thus, immediately after the meeting with the pope, they foment the revolt in Puglia, Calabria and Campania and only the mediating intervention of Desiderio towards Pope Gregory VII, aimed at favoring a new policy of the papacy towards the Normans, allows in 1079 the signing of peace between the contenders in Sarno.

    стр. 15: A few years later, in 1098, the presence of an even more illustrious guest was found in the Cajazzano territory, and precisely in Villa Sclavia: Anselmo d'Aosta. [60] Near the farmhouse of Schiavi, the Benedictine abbey of San Salvatore di Telese had possessions and an outbuilding. [61] We know that when he arrived in Italy, Anselmo went to visit the abbot of San Salvatore, Giovanni, former monk at Bec in Normandy. [62] Arriving in the monastery, due to the oppressive heat, he was accompanied by the abbot to Sclavia where, given the altitude, the climate was better. Here the saint found the calm needed to complete the drafting of the " Cur Deus Homo",

 

        60. Cfr. L. R. CIELO, L’abbaziale normanna di S. Salvatore de Telesia, Napoli, 1995, p. 12 e nota 62. A cui si rimanda per la relativa bibliografia.

        61. Sull’abbazia telesina cfr. D. MARROCCO, L’abbazia di S. Salvatore di Telese; V. CANELLI, Badie e Grange benedettine nella Chiesa Telesina, Marigliano, 1979; E. BOVE, S. Salvatore Telesino: da Casale a Comune, Piedimonte Matese, 1990; L. R. CIELO, op. cit.

    стр. 16: Another important memory of Anselmo's stay in Sclavia is the well excavated by the saint, whose waters were already attributed to the therapeutic powers at the time of Eadmero's return to Canterbury. [65]

 

In Sclavia, the presence of the Verginians is recorded in 1191; [66] in a document of that year he is quoted " between Servato, monk and prior of the houses of Montevergine in Capua and Schiavi ". [67] Already in a notarial deed of 1174, however, it is noted that the count of Avellino Ruggero dell'Aquila, among others, donated to Montevergine seven pieces of land in the farmhouse called " li Sklavi ", in the Capua estate . [68] We are, however, probably in the primary phase of the settlement which during the Swabian period will acquire greater vigor. [69]

 

        66 . It has not yet been definitively ascertained whether it is our Schiavi or the Villa Sclavorum located in the Capua plain between Brezza and Cancello. See D. CAIAZZA, The cave of S. Michele Arcangelo in Monte Metanico. Prehistoric rites and Michaelic worship in the north of Terra di Lavoro , in the "Caiatino Historical Archive", Casagiove, 1994, p. 91.

        67 . See G. FUSCO, The Sanctuary of S. Maria del Castello and the activity of the Virginians in the territory of Formicola , in the "Historical Archive of Terra di Lavoro", VII, Caserta, 1981, p. 94. The author indicates the source of the Montevergine Reg. 850 archive.

        68 . There, p. 95.

        69 . In 1195 there is the donation of a land, located in the place called " a lu guardo ", to Fra Matteo, a virgin monk and prior of the house of Capua and those that are in the place of the Schiavi and in 1214 between Nicola, prior of the same Case grants to a private individual, with the express consent of Abbot Donato di Montevergine, the rights he had on a mill located in " aqua et saone Trifrisci ". For these documents and for further information on the virgin house of Schiavi in ​​the Swabian age See G. FUSCO, op. cit. , pp. 95-98.

 

 

---

 

 

10. Охридската архиепископия в Италия. Polcarino в края на XVII в. :

 

- Константин Миладинов: "Охридска архиепископиа"  (Сборникъ «Братски трудъ», книга 3, 1860, стр. 21-27)  (.pdf файл от www.strumski.com)

    Миладинов прилага гръцкия текст и българския превод на грамота от охридския архиепископ Паисий, възвеждаща местния гръцки епископ Тимотей в сан митрополит на целия Италиански окръг, вкл. Апулия, Абруджа, Василиката, Калабрия, Сицилия, Малта, Далматия и целия Запад. Тя май съответства на грамотата № 6 у архим. Порфирий, "Указатель актовъ, хранящихся въ обителяхъ Св. горы Аѳонской" (1847).

 

- Атанасъ Шоповъ, Кодексъ на Охридската патриаршия  (Сборникъ за Народни Умотворения, Наука и Книжнина, VI, София, 1891, 192-225)  (Сканове в .pdf формат, 2.7 Мб)

- Атанасъ Шоповъ и Георги Стрѣзовъ, Кодексъ на Охридската патриаршия  (Сборникъ за Народни Умотворения, Наука и Книжнина, X, София, 1894, 536-579)  (Сканове в .pdf формат, 2.6 Мб)
 

- Иванъ Савичъ Пальмовъ, Новыя данныя къ исторіи охридской архиепископіи XVI, XVII и XVIII вв.  (С.-Петербургъ, 1894, 45 с.; = Славянское обозрѣніe, II 1894, стр. 195-231)

стр. 3  (Матеріалы изъ архива аѳонскаго зографскаго монастыря):

- Первый изъ этихъ документовъ (№ 1) содержитъ въ себѣ подробности, относящіяся къ избранію и перемѣщенію на вдовствующую (послѣ митр. Пафнутія) епархію (митрополію) италійскую епископа корицкаго Тимоѳея, хиротонисованнаго ранѣе на каѳедру корицкую предшественникомъ Паисія охридскимъ архіепископомъ Никаноромъ. Епископъ Тимоѳей поставляется теперь митрополитомъ надъ греками и албанцами, живущими въ предѣлахъ италійской епархіи. Епископъ Тимоѳей поставляется теперь митрополитомъ надъ греками и албанцами, живущими въ предѣлахъ италійской епархіи. Перечисляются далѣе предоставленныя ему права архіерейской власти: ...
- Второй (№ 2) документъ, съ тою же хронологической датой, содержитъ въ себѣ синодальную грамоту, въ которой прежде всего заповѣдуется всѣмъ членамъ священнаго клира—грекамъ и албанцамъ италійской митрополіи собираться на церковное собраніе ... (Одна изъ этихъ грамотъ (№ 2) напечатана (съ болг. переводомъ) въ издававшемся въ Москвѣ болгарскомъ сборникѣ «Братски Трудъ» 1860, кн.З)
- Въ третьей (№ 3) грамотѣ, отъ того же 1566 года ...
- Четвертый (№ 4) наконецъ документъ, (съ, тою же хронологической датой) представляетъ собою результаты соборнаго совѣщанія и рѣшенія относительно установленія таксы за совершеніе разныхъ церковныхъ требъ въ епархіи италійской и въ подвѣдомственныхъ ей приходахъ.
 

- Марин Дринов:

        - Нови паметници за историята на българитѣ и тѣхнитѣ съседи  (Съчинения, т. I, С., 1909. Първа публикация: Браила, 1870)

    "... до 20 Българе на служба у неаполитанскитѣ кральове въ 15 вѣкъ. Забѣлѣжително е, че, токо речи, за сичкитѣ тѣзи Българе се говори, че сâ заемали високи дължности въ неаполитанското кралство. Отъ това може да се мисли, че на срѣдни и долни дължности е имало много пó-вече, и че въ неаполитанското кралство, въ 13-й и 14-й вѣкъ имало е да живѣятъ много Българе." (стр. 84)

(str. 85-86) Писмо II.

 

Арагонската династия господарува въ Неаполь около 50 години, отъ 1442 до 1500. Това кратко време е твърдѣ важно въ историята на Балканский полуостровъ : презъ това време Мохаметъ II довърши и послѣдній остатъкъ оть византийската империя, къто превзе столицата ѝ и я направи столица на своята широка държава; презъ това време штастливий този завоеватель покори Морея, покори Босна и разсипа малкото, но страшно за власта на Османлиитѣ въ Европа Скандербегово господарство. A знайно е, че въ това господарство, освѣнъ по-голѣмата часть на Гегитѣ (сѣвернитѣ Албанци), намирахâ се и доста много Българе, жителитѣ на горний Дебьръ (Dibra sipre), за които единъ съвременникъ Скандербеговъ говори, че сâ били страшни войници (ferox in armis gens) и съставяли сâ главната стража на Скандербега. —

 

Неаполитанскитѣ владѣтели, въ онова време, не сâ могли да останътъ равнодушни къмъ великитѣ тѣзи събития, които сâ ставали не тъй далече отъ тѣхната земя. Първий арагонски краль въ Неаполь, Алфонсо I (1442—1458), a такоже и наслѣдникътъ му Фердинандъ (1458—1492) сâ се намирали въ тѣсни сношения съ Скандербега и му сâ помагали въ неговата страшна и велика борба,

 

        - Заселеніе Балканскаго полуострова Славянами. Глава IV. Славянскія поселенія на полуостровѣ въ половинѣ VII-го вѣка. Выводы и ихъ подтвержденіе  (Съчинения, т. I, С., 1909. Първа публикация: Москва, 1872)

стр. 273:

Заботы Папы Іоанна IV (640—642) спасти отъ Славянскаго нечестія, находившіяся въ Далматіи, мощи Святыхъ, перенесеніемъ ихъ въ Римъ,

 

Айонъ, Воевода Беневентскій, вывелъ противъ нихъ свое войско, но въ первой же стычкѣ съ врагомъ онъ погибъ [1]. Гордые одержанною побѣдою, Славяне долгое время продолжали грабить эту страну, пока преемникъ Айона, Радоальдъ, выступивъ противъ нихъ съ великою силою, не заставилъ ихъ воротиться назадъ [2].

 

2. Лѣтописцы не говорятъ, кто были эти Славяне, гдѣ находились ихъ жилища. Изъ новѣйшихъ изслѣдователей одни приписываютъ этотъ набѣгъ на южную Италію Хорутанскимъ Славянамъ, другіе же считаютъ его дѣломъ Хорватовъ и Неречанъ. См. у Шафарика, „Слав. Древн.“ II кн. 2, стр. 62. По нашему мнѣнію, естественнѣе всего предположить, что тутъ дѣйствовали Эпирскіе и Греческіе Славяне, суда которыхъ, какъ увидимъ ниже, около этого времени часто сновали по водамъ Іоническаго моря.

 

276:

... по словамъ Ѳеофана, въ 678 г. въ нижней Мизіи находились семь Славянскихъ племенъ, издавна уже обитавшихъ въ ней. Объ этихъ семи Славянскихъ племенахъ говорится и въ Географіи Моисея Хоренскаго (ум. 489), составленной во второй половинѣ Ѵ-го вѣка.

 

„Ѳракія, читаемъ тамъ, состоитъ изъ пяти небольшихъ краевъ и одного великаго, въ коемъ находится семь Славянскихъ народовъ. Въ жилища ихъ вступили Готы“ [12].

  

стр. 282:

Воздѣйствіе, оказанное Влахами на Славянскую народность, очень могущественно, какъ видно изъ значительнаго количества Латинскихъ словъ въ языкѣ Болгаръ и Сербовъ.

- Бол. кашкавалъ (у Ларинскихъ Славянъ сиръ до коне), Лат. caseus саballinus и пр.

 

 

стр. 287-8:

По словамъ (Шафарика), за исключеніемъ Сербо-Хорватовъ, вышедшихъ изъ Надтатранскаго края, все остальное Славянство, поселившееся въ Мизіи, Ѳракіи, Македоніи, Албаніи, Ѳессаліи, Елладѣ и Пелепонисѣ, вышло изъ сѣверо-восточныхъ земель Древне-Русскихъ Славянъ, лежащихъ на озерѣ Ильменѣ, рѣкахъ Двинѣ, Днѣстрѣ, Окѣ и т. д. [45]. 45. „Слав. Древн.“ II, кн. I, 387.

288:

Совершенно противоположный взглядъ на этотъ предметъ былъ высказанъ Копитаромъ. По его мнѣнію, все обширное пространство, простирающееся отъ Аквилеи и источниковъ Дравы и Муры до Чернаго моря на востокъ и до Солуня на югъ, было занято однимъ Славянскимъ племенемъ, которое приходомъ Сербо-Хорватовъ въ VII в. было разорвано на двѣ части, изъ которыхъ въ послѣдствіи возникли два отдѣльныхъ племени: Словинское и Болгарское [46].

 

стр. 290:

Г. Срезневскій, указывая на разнообразныя звуковыя особенности какъ этихъ, такъ и нѣкоторыхъ другихъ, однородныхъ съ ними, памятниковъ, особенности, называемыя имъ „отклоненіями отъ чистаго Славянскаго языка,“ весьма основательно видитъ въ нихъ указанія на нѣсколько различныхъ нарѣчій [55].

 

... Славяне, переселившіеся на Балканскій полуостровъ, вопреки мнѣніямъ Шафарика и Копитара (изъ коихъ первый считалъ ихъ родичами Русскихъ Славянъ, второй же выдавалъ ихъ за братьевъ Словинцамъ), принадлежали къ разнымъ Славянскимъ племенамъ, какъ Восточной, такъ и Западной, вѣтви.

 

294:

По разсказу Византійцевъ, весьма, впрочемъ, баснословному, замѣтимъ, въ 678 г. на полуостровъ,, большая часть котораго называлась уже „Славеніею,“ приходитъ изъ-за Дуная воинственная дружина, носившая названіе Болгаръ. Предводитель ея, Аспарухъ, немедленно положилъ въ Мизіи основаніе Государству, соединивъ подъ свою власть, обитавшія тамъ, семь Славянскихъ племенъ.

 

295:

По мнѣнію Тунмана, этихъ-то Сѣверянъ слѣдуетъ разумѣть подъ Савріами (Sauriah), которые, по свидѣтельству Саидъ-ибнъ-Батрика, помогали, въ 622 г., Императору Ираклію противъ Персовъ [68]. Утвержденіе Шафарика, что подъ Сѣверами Ѳеофана и, тождественными съ нимъ, Савріями Саидъ-ибнъ-Батрика, разумѣются Сабиры (Σαβείροι), народъ Уральскаго племени ...

... въ Сербскомъ словѣ „Себрь,“ означающемъ подданнаго, подчиненнаго (plebeius, rnsticns), мы имѣемъ имя Сабировъ, порабощенныхъ Болгарами, догадка эта, говоримъ, болѣе чѣмъ безосновна. Если происхожденіе этого слова было дѣйствительно таково, то оно должно бы было находиться прежде всего въ языкѣ Болгаръ, отъ которыхъ только и могли заимствовать его Сербы. А между тѣмъ намъ положительно извѣстно, что его нѣтъ въ языкѣ первыхъ, тогда какъ между Сербами оно было въ большомъ ходу въ средніе вѣка, да и до сихъ поръ продолжаетъ жить въ устахъ Далматинскихъ Сербовъ и Хорватовъ [69].

 

    68. Тунманъ, „Untersuchungen.“ 108.

    69. См. въ Словарѣ Миклотича подъ словомъ „Себръ.“

 

302:

Какъ было замѣчено уже, Босняковъ, Захлумянъ, Травунянъ съ Конавлянами, Дуклянъ и Неречанъ, обикновенно считаютъ вѣтвями Сербскаго племени, издревле принадлежавшими къ нему. Мнѣніе это основывается, главнымъ образомъ, на сказаніи Константина Багрянороднаго, что съ дозволенія Императора Ираклія, Сербы поселились въ Сербіи, Поганіи (Неретвѣ), Тервуніи и Конавлѣ [97]. Въ поясненіе этого показанія, или скорѣе какъ выводъ изъ него, Константинъ, въ другомъ мѣстѣ, утверждаетъ, что Захлумяне, Травуняне и Неречане, суть тѣ же Сербы, происшедшіе отъ Сербовъ [98].

  

303:

Намъ кажется болѣе близкимъ къ истинѣ предположеніе, что Неречане, Захлумяне, Тервуняне, Дукляне, равно какъ и Босняки, не были ни Сербами, ни Хорватами; что они обитали уже въ Далматіи задолго до прихода туда этихъ двухъ Славянскихъ дружинъ, которыя, подчинивъ ихъ своей власти, дали имъ свои племенныя названія.

 

309:

Изъ грамоты Императора Романа II, отъ 960 г., мы узнаемъ, что въ городѣ Іеросѣ, лежащемъ на самомъ перешейкѣ Аѳонскаго полуострова, жили Славяне Болгаре [123].

 

312:

Еще въ VIII вѣкѣ вся сѣверная Ѳракія называлась „Загорьемъ“ и уже первые Болгарскіе Государи, владѣтели Мизійскихъ Славянъ, какъ извѣстно, изъявляли на нее свои притязанія. Изъ этихъ Ѳракійскихъ Славянъ происходилъ и Императоръ Василій Македонянинъ, Славянское происхожденіе котораго засвидѣтельствовано Византійцемъ Генезіемъ, современникомъ его [137], и нѣсколькими Арабскими писателями [138]. Его прозвали „Македоняниномъ,“ не по тому, что родился въ Македоніи, какъ обыкновенно думаютъ, что, между прочими, полагалъ и Шафарикъ, производившій его отъ Македонскихъ Славянъ [139]. По словамъ Манассіиной лѣтописи, Василій происходилъ изъ незначительнаго селенія, лежавшаго близъ Адріянополя [140]. То же самое подтверждаетъ и Георгій монахъ,

 

137. Повѣствуя объ единоборствѣ Василія съ Болгарскимъ великаномъ, Генезій замѣчаетъ, что онъ поборолъ этого великана ловкимъ движеніемъ, именуемымъ на родномъ языкѣ Василія „подрѣзомъ:“ ταχίστῳ κινήματι καὶ τῇ κατὰ πόδρεζαν προσπλοκῇ, ὡς ὁ ἐγχώριος λόγος. Genes, ed. Bonn. 110.

 

<- няма го този откъс в ГИБИ, file:///c:/kroraina/knigi/gibi/4/gal/4_335.html

 

https://smerdaleos.wordpress.com/2016/09/13/η-ιε-ρίζα-wreh1g-σπάω-ο-ρηξήνωρ-θυμολέων/

 

The Slavic verb rězati corresponds to the compound form podŭrězati ( podŭ = "sub"), which acquired the meaning " prune ".

 

This Slavic verb is the root of the term "podreza" which corresponds to the Genesis phrase " ἡ κατἡ πόδρεζαν complications " (= the handle "pruning" of the fight , the genuine Slavic noun must have been * podŭ-rězĭba> * podrezba) which , according to Genesis , were used by the natives of the Byzantine theme of Macedonia ( "ὡς ὁ ἐγχώριος λόγος" ) for a grip ( complication = embrace ) of the fight , with which Basil the Macedonian supposedly defeated the best wrestler from "τοὺς εἰς πάλην ἐπιτηδείους »who had gathered at the house of Theophilitzis (" Theophilisk ").

 

Genesis here has falsified the story with the alleged fight where Vassilios defeated an unrivaled Bulgarian wrestler. In this story, Genesis presents his own ancestor Constantine the Armenian as a " friend AND RELATIVE " ( as ὰν τλία πρὸς φιλίαν ἐξ ἀγχιστείας ὁ Κωνσταντῖνος ) of the Kingdom, while Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (who wrote Vita Basilios in almost at the same time as Genesis) and, later, Skylitzis, speak simply of "strong friendship because of their common Armenian origin . " Genesis added "anxiety" in order to socially elevate his family, associating it with the ruling Macedonian dynasty .

 

Skylitsis simply writes that Constantine was " strongly friendly " to Basil because of their common Armenian origin (" καὶτε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξ Ἀρμενίων τὴν τοῦ γένους ἕλκων σειρν" ).

 

. . . I quote the passage of Genesis from Kaldellis' translation into English, together with his notes.

 

 

315:

... по исчисленію Г. Макушева (Макушева, „Историческія розысканія о Славянахъ въ Албаніи,“ стр. 153 и слѣд.?), на 1539 селеній приходится 717 съ Славянскими названіями. Замѣтимъ еще, что въ XI вѣкѣ Эпиръ у Итальянцевъ слылъ „Болгарскою Землею.“ Готфридъ Малатерра, описавшій, по порученію Рожера Сицилійскаго, походъ Роберта Гюискара въ Византійскую Имперію, называетъ жителей Эпира „Болгарами“ и городъ Арту „Болгарскимъ городомъ [148]. Въ XI вѣкѣ въ церковномъ отношеніи Эпиръ зависѣлъ отъ Болгарскаго Архіепископа, за которымъ былъ оставленъ и по присоединеніи Болгарскаго Царства къ Византіи Василіемъ Болгаробойцемъ. Грамоты послѣдняго называютъ здѣсь Епархіи: Верницкую, Химерскую, Адріанопольскую, Козильскую, Янинскую и Главеницкую [149],

 

148. См. у Макушева, тамъ же, стр. 3.

149. Голубинскаго, „Краткій очеркъ исторіи Правосл. Церквей,“ стр. 73, 74, 259, 261.

 

 

        - Записъ отъ Охридский патриархъ Прохоръ  (Съчинения, т. II, С., 1911. Първа публикация: Браила, 1882)

        "На 1869 год., съ помощьта на профессора Макушева, ние сполучихме да добиемъ изъ Италианскитѣ архиви нѣколко документа, които показватъ, че въ врѣмето на Прохора ... православнитѣ жителье въ южна, срѣдна и сѣверна Италия, както и въ Далматинскитѣ Венециански владѣния сѫ се подчинили на Охридската патриаршия."

        Дринов препраща към бъдеща негова с Макушев статия по въпроса (неиздадена явно)

 

        - Имали ли сѫ сърбитѣ колонии или нѣкоя власть въ Македония прѣди XIII. вѣкъ? Какъ сѫ ce наричали славянитѣ, които населявали Македония прѣди тая епоха?  (Съчинения, т. I, С., 1909. Първа публикация: Philippopoli 1887)

стр. 570: Михаилъ Пселлъ, Кекавменъ, Николица, Никифоръ Вриений, Анна Комнина, архиепископъ Теофилактъ, Иванъ Скилица, Георги Кедринъ, Зонара, Годфридъ Малатера, Раймондъ д’Ажиль, аббатъ Робертъ, Петъръ Тудебадъ, Вилхелмъ Тирски и пр. и пр. — всички тия писатели, които сѫ живѣли въ XI. и XII. вѣкъ и отъ които нѣкои бѣха пѫтували по днешна Македония, — всички наричатъ тая страна българска, a жителитѣ ѝ българи.

 

        - Спомень за В. В. Макушева и за неговитѣ трудове по българската история  (Съчинения, т. III, С., 1915. Първа публикация: Срѣдецъ, 1883)

стр. 49: още около края на 11-й вѣкъ, когато българското царство вече не сѫществуваше, нѣкои писателье (Малатерра) сѫ наричали тие страни български, а населението имъ — българско.

 

 

- Иван Снегаров, Извадки от "История на Охридската архиепископия-патриаршия", т. II (1932), отнасящи се до Италия

      "Италийската епархия се намирала подъ властьта на охридския архиепископъ още отъ времето, когато паднала византийската империя подъ турцитѣ."

        Охридските актове не споменавали детайли за славяни от италийската епархия на Охридската архиепископия, тъй като те се били губели сред далеч по-многобройните гърци и албанци.

 

- Иван Дуйчев, За правата на охридските архиепископи от средата на XVI в. върху някои италийски области  (Известия на историческото дружество, 14/15, 1937)

 

 

- Niccolò Fattori: «Strong-headed barbarians» - The Greeks of Ancona and the Papal policies in the Sixteenth century  (Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 2018, 1, 117-140) (https://www.academia.edu/36102533)

 

 

 

- Giuseppe Jorizzo: I Carî in Irpinia. Per la storia di Villanova già Polcarino Schiavone in provincia di Avellino  (Atti della società storica del Sannio, V, fasc. III, 1927)  (kindly provided by www.altavillahistorica.it)

    стр. 156: It is difficult to be able to say today - thousands of years after that dark and fabulous era, where there were those villages, three of which almost identified in our current countryside: Potidea or Palum (S. Potito); Kymei (Sancomajo - Viceria); Sápoli or Rumánio-Gravizza (1). The latter in the middle between the two and almost bordering today's town, it is still rich in prehistoric fossils. The name of Saboli given to the hill on which the Town Hall is located must be significant for the local history scholar, a name that can be confused with Sableta, a mountain that gave rise to the castle of the Counts of Ariano, destroyed by Pope Sergius IV (a. 1009-12 C.). On this mountain there would have existed a temple of Carna or Carnal bride of Janus two-faced, adored there with the title of Sab-laedo and Sab-laeto, god of war and peace and therefore of mourning and gladness!

(<- http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/falcone.html :

    стр. 160: Nor should the derivation of Avella and Avellino from Belo or Abel be more surprising, as already carian-Sanskrit biblical words like the names of our streams Bella and Lavello that I said derive from the Slavic Biel (white): even the Slavs are Aryans for modern glottologists.

 

 

 

---

 

11. Чиленто и Калабрия. Bulgheria:

 

 

Orlandi, T. ‘La leggenda di san Mercurio e l’uccisione di Giuliano l’Apostata.’ Studi Copti 4 (1968): 89-145.
Orlandi, T., and S. Di Giuseppe Camaioni. Passione e miracoli di S. Mercurio (Testi e Document! perlo Studio dell’Antichità 54). Milan: 1976.
<- https://www.francovalente.it/2009/04/12/s-mercurio-uccide-giuliano-l%E2%80%99apostata-in-un-affresco-di-larino-e-in-un-quadro-di-toro/

 

- Rocco Gaetani: L’antica Bussento oggi Policastro-Bussentino e la sua sede episcopale  (Gli studi in Italia, I, 1882, 366-385)

    стр. 376: Ughelli ... believed the series of our bishops to begin with San Pietro Pappacarbone who lived in the second half of the XII century. Here, however, are two names from the primitive series, prior to the year one thousand: Rustic at the end of the fifth and on the principles of the sixth century, of which we know that in 501 he intervened at the Roman Council under Pope s. Simmaco, subscribing Rusticus Episcopus Buxentinus ; and Sabbazio , who ruled Bussento in the mid-seventh century, and in 649 sat in the Lateran Council under Pope s. Martin I against the Monothelites, finding himself signed: Sabbatius Episcopus Buxentinus subscripsi . So in the VII century, and even before, in the V century, the Bussentina headquarters existed.

    стр. 378: So in the time of St. Gregory a barbarian invasion had occurred on the shoreline of Lucania, so that the churches remained abandoned and deserted, the clergy and the people fled and the sacred vessels were hidden; which is reflected in the other letter to Cyprian, cited above, in which alludes to invasions made in Lucania, as it seems, by the Lombards, and precisely by Zottone, Duke of Benevento to extend his domains in Campania, in the Lucania, in Calabria and Puglia.

    стр. 379: Knowing in the meantime that the Bussento rose by the Normans, we deplore its destruction between the VII and X century for the wrath of the Saracens, ... Let's just add that the Salerno analyst talks about someone Aliprando de Bussentio , who was raised in 823 in the Abbey of Salerno; so it seems that in the first half of the 9th century Bussento was not entirely desolate, from seeing it declared the homeland of this noble cenobite.

<- https://saprirovinata.wordpress.com/2019/02/16/nellanno-823-d-c-un-aliprando-de-busentio/
    стр. 381: in the Diocese of Policastro, mainly in the Poderia, in Roccagloriosa and in Torraca, the cult of a Saint Sofia is famous.

    стр. 382: since the great transmigrations of the Greek Greeks to our lands had the greatest increase in the VIII century, and from that century precisely reign over the memories of Bussento darkness and silence, and the news begin to so much to languish that a dense haze there this element of Greek worship and hagiography, which makes us firmly argue that the study of our Greek cenobias is a source of new seed of homeland history. Was it perhaps a Longobard of any Basilian monastery of Bussento that Aliprando (Lombard is the inflection of the name) who in the 9th century passed to the Abbey of Salerno?

 

- Silvio Giuseppe Mercati: San Mercurio e il Mercurion  (Archivio Storico per la Calabria e la Lucania, Roma, 1937, 295-296)

    San Mercurio and his legend soon assumed a vogue in southern Italy slightly less than that enjoyed in Cappadocia and in the eastern churches. The Greek passio translated into Latin served to an unknown hagiographer to compile the acts of S. Mercurio di Aeclanum, on the occasion of the translation of this homonymous martyr to S. Sofia of Benevento, under Arechis on August 26, 768...

    By the Life of St. Nile the Younger (cediamo la parola all’Autore, Essai p. 101) we know the existence in Calabria of the Μερκουριακὰ μέρη.

    To pay too much attention to this mention is to see in it, with Lenormant, a Monastery of S. Mercury [1]. Various indications, such as the civitas Mercurio (west of Castrovillari) of which the Latin translation of the Life of St. Leon-Luc speaks, [2] the locality called San Giovanni di Mercurio (near Orsomarzo) [3], the very name "Mercury" of a tributary of Lao, north of Mormanno, allowed Gay to locate the region called "Mercourion", on the southern and western slopes of the massif where the culmination is at Monte-Pollino [4 ], on the borders of Calabria and Lucania.

    [4. = J. Gay, L’Italie mérid. et l'empire byzantin. (Paris 1904) p. 265. See Carta del Mercourion tav. II. ]

 

<- L'Italie_méridionale_et_l'empire_byzantin_[...]Gay_Jules.pdf : стр. 254-286.

 

- Peter Charanis: On the question of the hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle Ages  (The American Historical Review, 52, 1, 1946, 74-86)

74:

... prevalence of Greek in Sicily and southern Italy during the Middle Ages was a linguistic survival of Magna Grecia. This view prevailed down to and beyond the middle of the last century when it was challenged by the Italian philologist G. Morosi. He studied both the Greek spoken in terra d’Otranto and that spoken in Calabria. With regard to the former he came to the conclusion that it was the popular idiom of the tenth century, and, accordingly, he placed the origin of the Greek colonies in the terra d’Otranto at the end of the ninth century, during the reign of Basil I or that of Leo VI. [2] The origin of the Calabrian colonies, however, he placed later than the ninth century, in the period between the middle of the eleventh century and the end of the twelfth. The reason for this was that in the Greek dialect spoken in Calabria he thought he had found many Arabic and Turkish influences. [3]

75:

Rohlfs returned to the view which had prevailed before the publication of Morosi’s works. The conclusion which he reached was that the basic element of the population of eastern Sicily was not Latinized but remained Greek-speaking throughout the Roman domination; there was, therefore, no break in the Greek tradition in Sicily and southern Italy. [6]  ... Rohlfs himself, however, was careful to point out that the position of Greek in Sicily had greatly deteriorated under the Roman Empire and had it not been stimulated by an outside influence it would have died out. [8]

 

- Ivan Dujčev:

        - Рецензия на: G. Rossi Taibbi - G. Caracausi, Testi neogreci di Calabria, Palermo 1959  (Byzantinoslavica, XXIV (1963), pp. 130-132)

 

 

        - I rapporti fra la Calabria e la Bulgaria nel Medioevo  (Atti del 4° Congresso storico calabrese. Napoli, 1969, 235-250; Medioevo bizantino-slavo, Vol. III, Roma, 1971, 507-521)

    стр. 507: The eastern and south-eastern regions of the Balkan Peninsula, on the other hand, were connected rather with the Eastern Empire, and therefore their contacts with Italy in general and with Calabria in particular constituted something, if we may say so, of unusual and even exceptional (<- ?? защо?) in their historical life.

    стр. 508: already in the early centuries of the Byzantine era, during the wars of the Byzantine army against the Goths, during the first half of the sixth century, soldiers of Thracian or Slavic origin were found in the regions of southern Italy and Calabria. Thus, according to an indication of Procopius of Caesarea [1], in 538 eight hundred Thracian soldiers arrived in the city of Otranto, headed by Giovanni, grandson of the famous Byzantine general Vitaliano, who in 512-514 had disturbed the whole Thrace with its threatening revolt [2]. Even more important is another indication of the great Byzantine historian [3], who informs us that in the war against the King of the Goths Totila, General Giovanni had settled in the same city of Otranto, together with a host of three hundred soldiers of the lineage of the Anti, that is to say of the ancestors of the Eastern Slavs of later times.

    стр. 509: the news of Procopio about the presence in the citadel of Ruskiane (port of the city of Turi, in southern Italy), towards the year 548-549, of a certain number of soldiers of Thracian and Illyrian origin, together with a military leader known under the name of Gudilas the Thracian [1]. (<- т.е. Дуйчев пренебрегва сведенията за участието на БЪЛГАРИ във войните против готите.)

    стр. 510: We also add that in part these toponyms and personal names must be connected with the immigration to Italy of Bulgarian heretics, first of Bogomili, persecuted over the middle centuries.

    стр. 511: the Life of Saint Nile the Younger : on the saint's visit to the city of Rossano (?? правилно ли е?). ... he was insulted by the rascals of the street: they called him by abusive names, such as "Bulgarian", "Franco» and «Armenian». To acquire such a meaning of insult, these names were not naturally conceived in their purely ethnic meaning - in which case evidently they would have made no sense as outrage. They were interpreted, without any doubt, as a designation of religious content, better as a designation of heterodox movements, from the point of view of Roman-Byzantine orthodoxy, and even as a designation of heretical currents.

    стр. 514: Lupus Protospatharius: the death of King Samuel & the killing of King Gabriel-Radomir in the Bari chronicle must therefore be explained as a testimony of ties with Bulgaria or at least with the presence of refugees of Bulgarian lineage in southern Italy.
    стр. 515: after the restoration of the Byzantine Empire in 1261... by organizing his vast coalition against the Empire of Constantinople, Charles I of Anjou entered into relations with the Serbs and with the Bulgarians ... Emperor Charles of Anjou, dated 12 May 1273 and addressed to "magister portolano Apuliae" ... "imperatoris Vulgarorum et Regis Serviae"

   стр. 516: Some new events at the court of the Bulgarian ruler during the first half of the following century, under the reign of the Bulgarian King Michael II Šišman (1323-1330), resulted in a further influx of people of Bulgarian origin into the regions of southern Italy. Thus, the former Bulgarian queen Anna, wife of King Michael II Šišman, arrived at the court of Naples as an exile, and was welcomed by Robert and Joan of Anjou, as evidenced in some documents of the period between 1337 and 1346 [3 = Makušev, op. cit. , p. 29 ff.].

   стр. 517: ... It should also be noted that these are always very scattered documents, and that obviously we do not have all the provisions, which were issued for the sustenance of the Bulgarian emigrants who lived in the territories of the Kingdom of Naples during the first half of the fourteenth century. However, a number of documents of the time must be omitted, where various names of Slavic origin are mentioned, connected with southern Italy, since they could only be interpreted hypothetically as evidence of the presence of Bulgarians in these regions. These indications, together with all the other available evidence on contacts between southern Italy, Calabria in particular and the Bulgarian lands during the period between the 11th century and the 14th century line should be collected and analyzed in a separate study.

    It would not be out of place, however, to touch here on the discussion of a fundamental problem in the history of southern Italy and Sicily - the problem of the origin of Greeks in these regions. By studying the problem of contacts between Calabria and Bulgaria during the Middle Ages, it seems possible to make, in my opinion, a new criterion with respect to the predominantly linguistic and historical criteria applied up to this moment. It is a comparative analysis of certain folkloristic elements. From this point of view, some recently published texts

   стр. 518: - I am referring to the neo-Greek texts collected in Calabria, Rochudi, Condofuri, Bova and elsewhere [1] - have a special importance. These texts are interesting both for themselves and for the similarities they offer with fairy tales and proverbs that are very popular among the Balkan population in general or particularly among Bulgarians. Thus, a fairy tale that has as its subject the story of a wolf and a fox [2], finds its analogy in a similar fairy tale, well known among the Bulgarians until recently. In a folk tale from Calabria the folkloristic motif of throwing a comb on the ground, to prevent their pursuers from reaching the fugitives [3] , is mentioned , which is another very widespread motif among the Balkan population [4] . In Calabria was also noted the fairy tale about the story of the magician and his disciple [5] - which also finds its analogies in Balkan folklore [6]. It is also possible to indicate the more or less literal analogies of a whole series of proverbs widespread among the Italo-Greek population of Calabria. Omitting the neo-Greek text, I cite as examples some of these proverbs in the Italian version: "The dog that barks a lot bites very little" [7] ; "The sated person does not believe in fasting" [8] ; "Crack, donkey, today that tomorrow I bring you grass" [9] ; "So much goes the doll to the water, until it breaks" [10] ;

1. G. Rossi Taibbi - G. Caracausi, Neo-Greek texts of Calabria, Palermo 1959; cf. my review: «Byzantinoslavica», 24 (1963), pp. 130-132. The problem was also partly treated in my study dedicated to the relations between the Byzantines and the Slavs in the field of folklore: Vizantijsko-slavjanska obštnost v oblassta na narodnoto tvorčestvo, in «Izvestija (= Bulletin) of the Ethnographic Institute and Museum», 6 (1963), pp. 351-358.
2 . Rossi Taibbi - Caracausi, op. cit., pp. 31-32.
3 . Rossi Taibbi - Caracausi, op. cit., pp. 77-81.
4 . In addition to "throwing a comb" we also find the mention of the use of "throwing a bar of soap".
5 . Rossi Taibbi - Caracausi, op. cit., pp. 40-51, 93-98, 129-135.
6. See J. Polivka's study, Magjosnikût i negovijat učenik , in: «Sbornik (= Collection) of the Ministry of Public Education» (in Bulgaria), 15 (1898), pp. 393-448.

   стр. 519: "By questioning by questioning I go all over the world" [1] ; "Nobody puts their fingers between the tax and the jamb" [2] ; "When it rains with the sun, foxes get married" [3], with a small variation ("rain with the sun, the bear marries"); the fable of the false strong man who broke the stone with his hands ("The ricotta he made into small pieces with his hands and the dragon said it was white stone") [4] , which finds its analogy in the Balkan fable about the struggle between one crafty gypsy and the devil, etc. Among the Italo-Greek population of Calabria is also known the reason for throwing a stone as a sign of a curse [5] which has numerous similarities in Balkan folklore and Bulgarian species. In the published materials we also find the mention of a singular custom, namely the way to punish a person, particularly an adulterous woman, by putting him on a donkey and carrying him through the streets of the town as a sign of opprobrium. [6] . This same custom is well known for the Byzantines [7] , as well as for the Bulgarians almost until recently [8] .

    Without exhausting the indications of the genre here, we must ask ourselves how to explain these analogies between the folklore of the Italo-Greek population of Calabria and the folklore of the Balkans, especially of the Bulgarians. Evidently we are dealing with certain characteristic traits that date back not to classical antiquity, but rather, if not exclusively, to the medieval period, that is to say to the Byzantine period. By attributing similar folkloric traits to classical antiquity, their presence in the folklore of the Balkan Slavs could not be well explained, since the latter came to know classical antiquity mainly through Byzantium and not directly.

   стр. 520: In other words, in this case we are dealing with a Byzantine-Slavic community in folklore, created from the Middle Ages onwards, and not a legacy from the classical era. Admitting that similar folklore-like characteristics are to be attributed to the presence of a more or less numerous Slav population, who inhabited the regions of Calabria and in general the lands of southern Italy, would be unacceptable. We must therefore think only of a series of characteristics that are to be connected, as regards the Balkan Slavs in particular, to the influence of Byzantium. (<- Не върви. Изключването на класическата античност и свеждането на подобни сродни явления (обичаи, поговорки) до Византия не обяснява присъствието, например, 1. на гъдулки у руси, поляци, 2. на свадбеното разчупване на хляб над главите на младоженци, 3. на гайди в Испания. Мартеницата у румънци (но не в сърбо-хърватската област) едва ли може да се свърже изключително с византийско влияние.)
 

 

        - Riflessi della religiosità italo-greca nel mondo slavo ortodosso (In: La Chiesa greca in Italia dall VIII al XVI secolo. 3. (Italia Sacra, 22). Padova, 1973, p. 181-212)

<<-- Рецензия: Daniel Stiernon, [La Chiesa greca in Italia dall'VIII al XVI secolo. Atti del Convegno storico interecclesiale (Bari 30 aprile-4 maggio 1969)], Revue des études byzantines Année 1975 33 pp. 315-319. :
 

Ivan Dujčev (1973) passe en revue les témoignages relatifs à l’existence de contacts entre l’Italie méridionale (et la Sicile) et le monde slave : Pierre de Sicile (ix* s.), Jean Italos (xi* s.), Barlaam le Calabrais, flanqué d’Akindynos de Prilep (échos de leur condamnation dans les synodika slaves), Théophanc le Sikéliote et son canon sur saint Bérylle de Catane, devenu Cyrille, d’où la mort à Catane, dans tel écrit slave, de Constantin-Cyrille; et puis encore les monuments hagiographiques italo-grecs traduits en slavon, les commé-moraisons de saints italo-grecs dans les Ménées, un miracle concernant la Sicile dans la vie de saint Philothéc d’Euthyme de Tirnovo, enfin le typikon de Jean de Pantelleria, conservé en ancien russe et dont la traduction italienne figure en appendice (p. 208-212) de la présente relazione.

 

ПРЕВОД: Ivan Dujčev (1973) reviews the testimonies relating to the existence of contacts between southern Italy (and Sicily) and the Slavic world: Peter of Sicily (ix c.), Jean Italos (xi c.), Barlaam the Calabrian, flanked by Akindynos of Prilep (echoes of their condemnation in the Slavic synodika), Theophanc the Sikeliote and his canon on Saint Beryl of Catania, who became Cyril, hence the death in Catania, in such a Slavic writing, of Constantine -Cyril; and then again the Italo-Greek hagiographical monuments translated into Slavonic, the commemorations of Italo-Greek saints in Menae, a miracle concerning Sicily in the life of Saint Philothec by Euthymius of Tirnovo, finally the typikon of John of Pantelleria , preserved in old Russian and whose Italian translation appears in the appendix (p. 208-212) of this relazione.

 

 

- Јиржи Поливка (J. Polívka): Магьосникътъ и неговиятъ ученикъ. Сравнителна фолклорна студия  (Сборник за народни умотворения, наука и книжнина, XV, 1898, 393-448)

444: Свръзката на юго-източнитѣ версии Вез. (= турска), Ар. (= арабска) и Ав. (= арабска) съ балканскитѣ и особено българскитѣ версии ние вече я показахме, та нѣма да я повтаряме тукъ. Освѣнъ това, българскитѣ версии поне отчасти иматъ нѣкои чърти общи съ сѣвероизточнитѣ версии и трѣба да прѣдполагаме, че общитѣ мотиви на българскитѣ и сѣвероизточнитѣ версии сѫ проникнѫли въ България отъ Русия: или направо, или чрѣзъ ромънско посрѣдство.

  

420: Въ версията отъ Познаньско [2] (Пп) нашиятъ сюжетъ е съединенъ съ сюжета за тримата братя, които тръгнѫли да освободѭтъ една принцеса отъ една хала.

Распроссами и до Киева дойдешь.

 

407: 1. Въ най-новото си съчинение Giuseppe Rua: Le „Piacevoli Notti“ di Messer Gian Francesco Straparola, Roma 1898., стр. 36. слѣд. поменува тая приказка между ония, които сѫ извѣстни отъ ориенталски сборници, ала казва само това: Si tratta della fiaba di maestro Lattanzio e del suo discepulo, della quale non saprei dire quante versioni siano state raccolte nella tradizione orale moderna, echce trova un antico riscontro nella leggenda della nascita del barco Taliesin (sec. VI.) narrata nei Mabinogion. По-нататъкъ ce разказва уводната приказка отъ сборника Siddhi-Kür, която е твърдѣ сродна (molto vicina) съ версията на Straparola. За нѣкоя италиянска модерна версия на този сюжетъ съчинението не казва ни дума.

т.е.

(да се допълни с украински и други примери на поговорки, от рода на "Распроссами и до Киева дойдешь."

- не се наблюдават особени, изключителни калабрийско-балкански или калабрийско-български аналогии.

- нищо не подкрепя нито Дуйчевото твърдение, че мотивът за магьосника и неговия ученик бил "особено популярен" в България. Съвременните български версии на само възможно, но и неминуемо трябва да са свързани с византийските (ако така тълкуваме близостта им до турските, арабски версии),

- Дуйчевата идея, че изобщо славянските версии можели да произлязат единствено от Византия, а не от по-дълбоката класическа античност, изглежда незащитима.

 

-

 

 

- Cristina Torre: Gli Slavi nella Calabria bizantina  (La Calabria nel Mediterraneo. Flussi di persone, idee e risorse , 2013)

        Славянски преводи на някои агиографски текстове, съхранени, изглежда, само в итало-гръцки ръкописи. Възможно присъствие на монаси от Балканите в Сицилия.

        As for Sicily, interesting information comes from a hagiographic text, the unpublished Vita of San Pancrazio, the proto-bishop of Taormina (BHG 1410), transmitted in different newsrooms but dating back to the period between 787 and 815 [21] . In this text, at a certain point, reference is made to a "Slavic quarter" located near Syracuse [22] . A military operation conducted by Bonifacio is also mentioned.

        The expedition conducted by Nicephorus Foca the Elder (885/886) was in particular resolutive. This led, on the one hand, to the elimination of the Saracen colonies that settled in Amantea, Tropea and Santa Severina around the middle of the 9th century, and on the other to the recovery of sovereignty over those areas of the superior Calabria subject to the Lombards of the principality of Benevento first, then of Salerno [29] . This state of war had probably determined, in Calabria as more generally in the Byzantine Mezzogiorno, a demographic decline to which the emperors of the East tried to remedy through a policy of repopulation. Within this we find the decision of Basil I (867-886) to transfer Eraclea Pontica to some towns in the Salento region, while to Calabria it was - apparently - destined for a large number of freed slaves of Peloponnesian origin and, perhaps, of Slavic ethnicity [30] .

        The Pagans defeated by Ottone were in all probability in the service of the Saracens, like Sabir, the Slavic eunuch who between 928 and 930 had led an Arab expedition to Calabria, on the occasion of which the kastron of Tiriolo was taken [ 40]

        Thus the De Administrando Imperio informs us that the Pagans are called in the language of the Romei Arentani , while the word in the Slavic language - with obvious derivation from the Latin - means "not baptized".
However, as mentioned, they could perhaps be traced rather to the ethnic Pagani . Among the documents recorded by Caracausi is in particular the Brebion of the metropolis of Reggio Calabria, where we find mention of a χωράφιον εἰς τὸν Παγανόν [43] a "farm in Pagano", belonging to the monastery of Sant'Eustrazio. It is not possible to locate this farm accurately, but the toponym is likely to suggest, on the basis of the considerations made so far, a connection with a Slavic presence for which 1050 (indicatively the period to which the drafting of the Reggio document refers) would come to constitute the terminus ante quem . The anthroponym has instead only, apparently, two later attestations, which refer to Sicily, where a κῶνστας πρεσβυτερος παγανου subscribes a document of 1122 [44] and a γέρων παγάνος τῆς λούνας subscribes as a witness a document of 1217 [45 ] .

    .. Returning to the examination of the possible testimonies of the relations between Byzantine Calabria and the Slavic world, some studies have counted among them a passage from his life. Nile of Rossano (910ca. – 1004) in which the monk is made the object of ridicule by some street children [46]. These, in insulting the holy monk, use the term "Bulgarian" in a derogatory sense (!!) [47].

        Instead, right at the end of the Byzantine domination in Calabria we learn from Goffredo Malaterra that in 1054 Roberto il Guiscardo, in the context of his first raids on the territory object of our interest, was helped, at the castrum of San Marco [49] , by sixty Slavs site experts [50] :

 

        However, Jean-Marie Martin rejected this hypothesis, highlighting how "le grec a toujours été une langue étrangère dans cette zone", for which "manuscripts n'a pu être utilisé que dans une zona hellénophone où vivait une minorité slave" [57] . We could then think, as an alternative, to the Salento area as a Hellenophone area next to the Gargano and therefore in contact with the local Slav communities, but even in this case it is a simple hypothesis.

        <- т.е. и Торре, и другите изследователи не са наясно дали гръцкото влияние се е простирало до Гаргано или не.

 

        As far as Calabria is concerned - now no longer Byzantine - some further elements, in the absence of other kinds of evidence, can perhaps be derived from toponyms and anthroponyms that appear in documentary sources [58] .

            Thus, in some documents forming part of the dossier of S. Giovanni Teriste [59] we find mention of a notary Ruggero son of Sclavopetro, who intervenes, for example, in 1133 in defining the boundaries between the properties of Stefano Maleinos and the monastery of S. Stefano del Bosco [60] . Again, on May 15, 1179 Giovanni, son of Leone Sclavos, signed the sale of a vineyard located in agro Calabri [61] . In 1188 a certain νικόλαος σκλάυος is called into question in an act with which Giovanni di Reggio, iudex Calabriae , settles a controversy that arose between Aschettino di Brui and the brothers of Odierna signora di Oppido [62] . A κώνστα σκλάβος figure, in a document without dating, among the men owned by a monastery of St. Leonzio [63] . In a deed of sale, dated 1268, of a land located in the territory of Aieta, we then read a reference to a χωράφιον παίδων σκλαπου, a "farm of the sons of Sclapos" [64] , an anthroponym perhaps to be read Sclabos / Sclavos, as it could the Anna Sclapena (for Sclavena ?), owner, along with other subjects, of two farms located in the territory of Aieta sold in March 1269 [65] are of Slavic origins.

 

        However, in the liturgical field there are texts which, unrelated to the Constantinopolitan tradition, appear instead in the Slavic and Italian liturgical books [69] . Rather than a direct link, these elements can be traced back to a common source that would have exercised its influence independently on the two environments. In this regard, the hypothesis of mediation by an eastern milieu , in this case the monastery of Saint Catherine of Sinai, was refused on the basis of the "presence, in the Russian manuscripts, of particular prayers of the Greek rite, which though receded in secondary areas of the rite, they are betrayed by the same archaic textual review [italogreca]; this observation leads us to postulate the use, in the Slavic liturgy, also for the compilation purposes only, of one or more sources of southern Byzantine Italy. The Italian-Greek formulary, more precisely from Campania, called di s. Peter, "authenticated" so to speak from memory, in the ancient Sinai sl manuscript. 5 / N, of the "Signor Aligerno" abbot of Montecassino in the second half of the tenth century, remains the most direct and unequivocal testimony of the connection between the two worlds and the two cultures " [70] . And yet both the text and the mention of Aligerno may have been transcribed from an Italian-Greek model present in the Sinaitic or in any case in the East.

        Once again, therefore, we cannot speak of direct contacts between Italo-Greek and Slavic environments, but rather of influence on both of other traditions, in this case hagiopolite or Sinaitic.

 

        Still, the existence of Slavic translations of some hagiographic texts preserved, it seems, only in italogreci manuscripts [79] cannot, on its own, show, at least in my opinion, that these versions necessarily have italogreci models [80] .

 

        In relation to the Tipico, it is first of all necessary to specify that, although doubts have been raised in the past regarding the correct interpretation of the toponym Πατελαραίας / Patellaria / Pantelarea , that is to say if it indicates the island off the western Sicily or rather other locality [83] , today the first identification is generally accepted [84] . The date of foundation of the monastery of S. Giovanni remains uncertain, and so does that of the editing of the Tipico. For the former, however, we think of a period at the turn of the eighth and ninth centuries, when the abbots Giovanni, author of the text, and Basilio, presumably lived [85] . However, we cannot exclude the hypothesis that Giovanni was actually a monk of Egyptian origin who moved "in the West in the 7th century, together with other compatriots, following the Arab conquest of his homeland" [86] . Consequently the drafting of the Tipico dates back to the VII or to the end VIII / beginning IX century while, based on the language, the Slavic translation is assigned to the X century [87] .

With regard to circumstances and ways in which it was carried out, we can only formulate hypotheses: for example, let's think about the presence of monks of Balkan origin in Sicily, or the possibility that a copy of the text came to the East - in the Balkan peninsula but also, if we consider the previous reflections [88] , in the hagiopolite or sinaitic sphere.

 

In this regard, reference should be made to the already mentioned references to a Slavic settlement in Syracuse contained in the Life of Saint Pancratius of Taormina, as well as the migration of Balkan exiles to Sicily before the avaricious-slave invasions of the seventh century [89]

 

89 . It has been said that although our source - the Chronicle of Monemvasia - refers to the Byzantine populations of Lacedaemon and Patras, we do not exclude that similar itineraries have been followed by exiles of Slavic ethnicity: v. supra , p. 206.

 

        <- т.е. Торре не отхвърля възможността за много ранна слав. миграция от Пелопонес, при/скоро след идването на аварите.

 

 

 

- Celle (di Bulgheria)  (Pietro Ebner, Thesaurus Ecclesiarum Italiae Recentioris aevi XII, 1982)

    "Според хрониста Малатера при бойните си действия в Калабрия Робер Жискар, когато бил още слабо известен вожд (т.е. през 1040-1050-те години) наел славяни от Celle (di Bulgheria) като познавачи на терена."

    Recent research tends to show [3] that Duke Romoaldo had allowed part of the colony to settle in the area of Paestum then reduced to a hunting reserve only (ad capendendas aves) and that they had gone beyond the Alento there at the foot of a mountain which then took its name (Monte di Bulgheria). Goffredo Malaterra [4] then remembers that Roberto il Guiscardo had hired Slavs from Celle (di Bulgheria) because they were expert connoisseurs of all the passes of the territory. Indeed, Antonini [5] writes that he has read about some concessions made by Roberto in 1080 to Bulgarians or local slaves for services rendered to him "in finibus Apuliae et Salerni" [6], attributing the immigration of Bulgarians to Alboino, who "In addition to his Lombards, and Saxons, who are still Bulgarians [in Italy]."

    Probably the seat of a graduation with cells of Italian-Greek monks, for which the name of Celle arose around the town; the village followed the fate of Roccagloriosa, of which it was a farmhouse until its elevation to the municipal seat.

2. F. Hirsch cit., p. 42 ricorda Teofane p. 546 ad a. 671 e Niceforo, Breviarium (ed. de Boor, p. 33, i quali affermano che l'emigrazione avvenne ai tempi dell'imperatore Costante, nel 669, e che la parte che venne in Italia si stanziò nella Pentapoli. A later document of Prince Sicardo (a. 833) recalls Grauso Bulgarensis as owner of lands in Puglia (Anecd. Ughell., P. 468)

3. V. D'Amico, I bulgari trasmigrati in Italia nei secoli VI e VII dell'era volgare. Loro speciale diffusione nel Sannio. Campobasso 1933. Of the same A., v. pure Importanza dell'immigrazione dei bulgari nell'Italia, «Atti 3° Convegno internaz. Studi sull'alto medioevo», Spoleto 1959, p. 372. Cfr. also Ebner, Storia cit., p. 91 especially Economia e società cit., p. 28.

4. G. Malaterra, I, 16.

5. Antonini cit., I, p. 383 says he has read about it in existing documents in the Archives of the Diocese of Policastro, of which there is no trace. See also p. 348: in saying of S. Severino di Camerota he writes: «Certainly the village was built there because its site made it strong, and exposed to the insults of the Bulgarian neighbors exposed, when they had not yet founded it, as I would have firmly when they have not yet founded it, as I would firmly believe. " On the term "cell", see on p. 343; on p. 277 confuses the monastery of S. Arcangelo di Perdifumo with that "near the territory of S. Severino, in the place still known today as the cells, according to which it ensures us a map we have seen in the Archive of the Quarry itself". Therefore he places in this monastery the miracle mentioned in the Life of the third saint abbot of Cava. In note, however, his nephew Mazzarella Farao corrects Antonini's mistake by placing the monastery of Sant 'Arcangelo in Perdifumo.

6. Utiliter de illorum famulato in finibus Apuliae, et Salerni usi sumus. Antonini, p. 383.

 

 

- Adele Cilento: Presenze etniche nella Calabria medievale: testimonianze di fonti agiografiche  (Rivista Storica Calabrese, XVI 1995, pp. 91-117)

 

 

- André Jacob: Le culte de saint Martin de Tours dans la Terre d’Otrante hellénophone  (Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, éd. E. Cuozzo et al., Paris 2008, 345-356)

    345: Later, in the VIIIth or IXth century, was made a Greek Life of the Bishop of Tours [2] , which enjoys some success since fourteen manuscripts at least we have kept [3] , including eight are unquestionably of Italian origin [4]. Despite the presence of a notice, also duplicated, in the Synaxaire of Constantinople [5] , his worship has hardly known any diffusion in the Byzantine Church,

[2.] F. Halkin, Légende grecque de saint Martin, évêque de Tours, RSBN n. s. 20-21, 1983-1984

    346: as is evident from the complete absence of shrines bearing his name in Constantinople or in the eastern provinces of the Empire [6] and from the extreme rarity of his name in Greek anthroponymy [7].
... the situation is quite different in Italy, where the attestations of his cult are old and numerous [8] . ... Regarding Greek-speaking southern Italy in the Byzantine era, the cult of Saint Martin is attested in some way in the southern Calabria, where the Brébion Reggio towards the middle of the XIth century, mentions a monastery of St. Martin [13],

[7.] A late act of Lavra (1317) mentions several members of the same family Μαρτῖνος

 

<- https://www.jstor.org/stable/26490610?seq=1
Greek public documents related to the theme of Byzantine Calabria are very rare, although from this region comes the only tax document known of the italo-greek province, the so-called brebion of Reggio (about 1050).

    347: The Brébion also contains two anthroponyms: ὁ τοῦ Βερσέου Μαρτῖνος [16] ; ... παπᾶ Βασιλείου τ (ουρ) μ (άρ) χ (ου) τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ Μαρτίνου [17] . Even if they are not numerous, these attestations are perhaps explained by the wide distribution of the Greek Life of Saint Martin in the Calabrian hagiographical books.

Around 960 and until the end of the tenth century, Sicilian and Calabrian monks came to settle in the north of Basilicata, ... an act of Roger II for the abbot of the Holy Trinity of Venosa , dated 1117, speaks explicitly of the monasteria Graecorum in releventiis Sancti Martini de Calabria [20] ;

It is time to move on now to the spread of the cult of Saint Martin in Puglia, starting with the Lombard Apulia under Byzantine domination, where a church was dedicated to him in Monopoli in 981 [22] and where monasteries also bear his name. well in Troia (before 1050) [23] than in Trani (before 1075) [24] .

Even if the scarcity of sources - sometimes even their complete absence - should prompt us to handle the argument of silence with caution, there is no indication, however, that his cult reached very early in the southern Salento of the language Greek and Byzantine rite. In the Middle Ages, this Hellenic zone, although not homogeneous, was much more extensive than the linguists imagined [25] and roughly coincided with the present province of Lecce. Although there can be no question here of describing it in detail or of recounting its gradual erosion in favor of Latin and Italian,

348: it should be noted, however, that the localities devoid of any Byzantine vestige - whether they are inscriptions, manuscripts, sanctuaries, paintings, documents, toponyms, clerics or known figures - are very rare and are located there. especially in the west of the province.

The oldest testimony relating to the presence of the cult of Saint Martin in Greek Salento dates back to 1133, that is to say in the middle of the Norman period.

... It took almost a century to find another attestation of the cult of the Bishop of Tours in the Land of southern Otranto.

349: In 1219, Frederick II confirmed the privileges and properties of the Church of Otranto and granted him others, including an ecclesiam sancti Martini de Bodisco [32] .

... there were churches of Saint-Martin a little further north, in the region of Brindisi, ... and in the town of Brindisi itself; they are mentioned in 1233

354: .. the spread, rather surprising, of the cult of Saint Martin in the Hellenophone Land of Otranto. Of the eleven churches listed, at least eight - those of Surbo, Porto Badisco, Lecce, Soleto, Copertino, Taviano, Monticello and Brindisi - are certainly medieval. ... The churches of Lecce, Soleto and Taviano, on which we have precise information, are of Byzantine rite.

If we stick to the earliest reference date (1133), it is quite logical to think that the cult of Saint Martin was introduced in Salento by the Normans.

355: A final problem remains to be resolved. Why are all or almost all of the Salentine churches of Saint Martin of the Byzantine rite? The answer is obvious, it seems to us. In the second half of the XIth century, when the Normans settled in the area, it was almost completely Hellenized. All the dioceses of the Land of southern Otranto (Otranto, Gallipoli, Castro) [75] , including Lecce [76] , had Greek bishops at their head. The first church foundations of the new masters could therefore only be "Byzantine", as were their first monastic foundations,...

However, in concluding this note, it should be noted that the first name Martin has hardly left any traces in the Greek anthroponymy of Salento [79] :

 

- https://saprirovinata.wordpress.com/2017/10/04/i-bulgari-nel-vii-secolo-nelle-nostre-terre/ !!!

 

- Goffredo Plastino: Sull'origine della lira calabrese  (Calabria bizantina. Civiltà bizantina nei territori di Gerace e Stilo, 1998, p. 111-136)

стр. 111: The Calabrian lira is an arched cordophone, with three strings, ... The areas of diffusion of the lira are Locride, in the province of Reggio Calabria, and Poro, in the province of Catanzaro.

стр. 114-15: The first and apparently unequivocal literary and unconographical evidence on the use of the arch date back to the period from the end of the ninth to the beginning of the tenth century AD. They come from the territories under the dominion of the Byzantine Empire and the Arabs. There are no previous documents on arched cordophones in Europe [6] or in East Asia. The analysis of the most ancient sources, above all visual ones, has allowed Werner Bachmann (1964) to trace the birth of the bow, or of small sticks, to the ninth century and to the territories of Central Asia.

стр. 116: For the Arabs the lira, the λύρα, was similar to a Greek-Byzantine instrument. Ibn Khurdadhbih (died 912) ... speaks of a Byzantine instrument: "among them [the Byzantines] there is the λύρα and this is the rabab , and on him are five strings".
стр. 117: "the rabab was not strictly speaking, an instrument of particular shape or construction but was essentially an" instrument played with a bow" " (Farmer 1930b: 776), therefore a term of general use for various arched chordophones. ... Therefore, it cannot be excluded that the "lira" / rabab association was used by Arab theorists to use and make their interlocutors or readers understand the lira, a non-Arabic musical instrument, which was explained by reference to the production method of sound.
Farmer, however, is of the opinion that there was an equality between lira and rabab.

стр. 118: The Byzantine Empire is generally indicated as the area of ​​birth and diffusion of the lira, probably rightly - especially as regards diffusion -, even if this is partly due to a nationalistic sentiment according to which the instrument is originally from Greece, sometimes the "symbol" of some regions of the country [21] . [ 21 . See Leydi 1983: 97, 1985: 169. ]
In fact, the iconographic and literary testimonies, although not sufficiently articulated, provide some evidence of the use of the lira in the Byzantine territories, since the arrival of the arch in Europe: but the greatest documentary evidence does not correspond to an attribution of authorship.

The best known representation of a pyriform bowed instrument is that of Byzantine ivory dating back to the end of the 10th century AD or the beginning of the 11th century (drawing 8): ... More information is contained in the oldest Byzantine iconography which, compared to the Islamic one, contains many representations of musical instruments, including bowed ones.
More information is contained in the oldest Byzantine iconography which, compared to the Islamic one, contains many representations of musical instruments, including bowed ones.
The best known representation of a pyriform bowed instrument is that of Byzantine ivory dating back to the end of the 10th century AD or the beginning of the 11th century (drawing 8): the instrument has two strings, and is played by a boy who supports it on the left knee; the bow is straight and remarkably long, in the center of the harmonic case; fingers feel the strings at the top. Approximately from the same period is the miniature of a bowed instrument player, currently preserved in the Great Monastery of Lavra (Greece) (drawing 7). Another interesting image is the Byzantine fresco of 1050 in the St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev (CSI) (drawing 9), in which a jester playing an arched instrument is represented:

стр. 120-121:
Since the 11th century AD, the lira has become an instrument present throughout Europe (drawings 10-15) even in areas not in direct contact with Islam and Byzantium: after having been widespread mainly in the countries of the Mediterranean basin, the lyre reaches everywhere, and becomes a particular bow-shaped cordophone ... From Northern European countries to Spain and Italy, the lyre is played alone and in formation with other instruments, including with aerophones: the wide diffusion also includes the Eastern countries. In Poland, for example, the existence of a lyre-like musical instrument is sufficiently documented. Sybil Marcuse (1975: 489) observed: "Poland has had skrzypce , its name for the stringed lyre , from the late Middle Ages, if not previously." Skrzypce , however, is the usual term for the violin, both cultured and popular (Ewa Dahlig, 1987, personal communication). In relation to the lira, the term gelse was used , very similar in profile and probably in execution technique to Russian gudok : these are instruments both included in the eighteenth century...

The lyre was also played in medieval Italy. Numerous iconographic traces are found, although in some cases the identification is uncertain. One of the most beautiful representations of the instrument is the sculpture of the tympanum of the western portal of the Baptistery of Parma, by Benedetto Antelani, dating back to 1196 (drawing 10): the lyre is perfectly reproduced, with four strings and two semi-circular holes.

стр. 122: In northern Italy the lira seems to have already disappeared around 1800: "the gòdine that certain Friulian texts of the last century mention and which the Pirone describes as an" old string instrument "was probably an instrument of the gudók type. In an inventory of 1529 (quoted by Perusini) there is also an "old lyre with a bow" which is almost certainly to be assigned to the gudók series"(Leydi-Mantovani 1970: 180) [28] .

In southern Italy the lyre was still played in Puglia in 1600 - as Kircher attests - during the choreutic-musical exorcism of tarantism (Carpitella 1976: 351-352; De Martino 1976: 139). It was later replaced linearly with the violin, which became the instrument of choice for musical therapy. The "island" of permanence of the lira in Italy is, therefore, Calabria.
 

стр. 123: Roberto Leydi .. claims that
- It is immediate and easy to link the presence and the Fuso of the lira in Calabria to the Greek culture still present in this region. Of course, it should be noted that the lira seems to have been preserved (although in serious crisis) outside the area still inhabited by Greek speakers, for which area we do not know reports of this instrument. The lira is attested .. further north of the territory now inhabited by the Greeks, in an area which, however, was of Greek culture in the past. ...
The question of the origin of the Calabrian lira is directly connected to the question of the origin (and of the historical and historical-cultural events) of the Greek populations in Italy.

.. In Calabria, the golden age of the Byzantine settlement, also through Greek monasticism, is between the tenth and eleventh centuries, at the speed of the Norman conquest. The ecclesiastical influence is remarkably widespread and profound and the region also enjoys significant economic development

стр. 125: The lira would have been introduced to the Greeks of Calabria by Byzantium, but without images or documents having highlighted its use in the Greeks and Byzantine territories in general.
        Leydi, R., (1983), La Lyra — La lyra in Turchia, Jugoslavia, Grecia del Nord, Calabria, Bulgaria, in ID., Musica popolare a Creta (ricerca a Creta I), Ricordi, Milano, pp. 124-128.

        - (1985), Lira di Calabria, in R. Leydi-F. Guizzi (a cura di), Strumenti musicali e tradizioni popolari in Italia, Bulzoni, Roma, pp. 154-176.

 

 

---

 

12. Сицилия:

 

 

- Francis J. Thomson:

    - A survey of the Vitae allegedly translated from Latin into Slavonic in Bohemia in the tenth and eleventh centuries  (Atti del 8° Congresso internazionale di studi sull'alto medioevo, 1983, p. 331-348)

    336: St. Benedict

The sole traced codex with this vita is the 14th century Serbian codex no. 90 in the Hilferding collection (32) from which it was edited by Sobolevsky (33) who pointed out firstly that it is an abridged and revised version of book ii of Gregory the Great’s Dialogi de vita et miraculis patrum Italicorum (34) but secondly that it is not a translation of Pope Zacharias’ Greek translation of book ii (35), and concluded that despite Graecisms in the terminology it must have been translated from an untraced Latin revision of book ii by the same person who translated Gregory’s Homiliae XL in evangelia in Moravia in the 9th century (36). Although this theory of a Moravian origin has not received support, several scholars have ascribed the translation

    337: to Bohemia in the 10th or 11th century (37), the reason for the translation being that the Benedictines were active in Bohemia at that time (38). ... In theory it is possible that the translator himself is responsible for this version (41),

(38) Thus Jakobson, Kernel, op. cit., pp. 43-44; Mareš, Anthology, op. cit., p. 15; D. Tschižewskij, Kirchenslavische Literatur bei den Westslaven, in Annales Instituti Slavici 1,4 (1968), pp. 13-28, cfr. p. 22.

The Benedictine monastery at Sázava founded in c. 1032 is sometimes claimed to be the place where it was translated, e.g. J. Kadlec, Das Vermächtnis der Slavenapostel Cyrill und Method im böhmischen Mittelalter, in Annales Instituti Slavici 1,4 (1968), pp. 103-137, cfr. 117, as is the monastery at Břevnov, e.g. V. Chaloupecky, Slovanská bohoslužba v Čechách, in Vestnik České Akademie věd a uměni v Praze LIX (1950), pp. 65-80, cfr. p. 78; Dvornik, Missions, op. cit., p. 220, suggests Sázava or Břevnov, while A. Rogov, E. Bláhová and A. Konzal, Staroslověnské legendy českého původu. Nejstarší kapitoly z dějin cesko-ruských kulturních vztahů, Prague 1976, p. 19, merely say a Benedictine monastery. All of this is pure surmise without a shred of evidence.

    338: but even so the complicated relations between the Slavonic on the one hand and the Greek and Latin on the other remain unexplained. The issue is further complicated by the existence of two early Slavonic translations of the entire Dialogi, but as neither has been edited the question of a possible link between the vita and one of these cannot be resolved (42).

 

    339: St. Apollinaris

The codices containing this vita are all Russian, the earliest being of the mid 16th century, viz. no. 912 in the Pogodin collection (44). When Sobolevsky published the vita in 1903 (45), he pointed out that it corresponds to the Latin passio (46) and his ascription of the translation to Bohemia has been accepted by some scholars (47), although it has not remained unchallenged (48). A Greek translation of the Latin passio has been traced (49), but the sole codex to contain it (50) has a version in which the Latin original has been considerably revised. This revision is deliberate and not the result of a misunderstanding of the Latin (51) and thus it is uncertain whether a later scribe revised an earlier translation which adhered more closely to the Latin text,

 (50) Viz. a 1308 Italo-Greek menologium, codex Messanensis no. 29, on which cfr. H. Delahaye, Catalogus codicum hagiographicorum graecorum monasterii Sancti Sahatoris, nunc bibliothecae Universitatis Messanensis, in Analecta Bollandiana XXIII (1904), pp. 19-75, cfr. pp. 30-40, the passio is on ff. 134r-138v, cfr. p. 37. On this codex see also Ehrhard, Überlieferung, op. cit., vol. III, pt. I, Leipzig 1943 (Texte und Untersuchungen op. cit. Lil, i), pp. 446-450. Since the Greek has not been published, I must express my gratitude to the Bollandist Fathers who with their habitual kindness made a photocopy of the text available to me.

 

(51) It takes the form of many minor alterations such as Petrus apostolus - Πέτρος ὁ κορυφαῖος τῶν ἀποστόλων; centurio - δεσμοφύλαξ; vicus — νοσοκομεῖον etc.  In each case the Slavonic follows the Latin, viz. Petr” apostol”, sotnik”, ves’.

    340: Even if it is accepted that the translation was made from Latin, there is insufficient linguistic evidence to ascribe it to Bohemia (54).

 

    St. Vitus

This vita was published from the earliest traced codex, the late 12th - early 13th century Russian Dormition florilegium, ...

    342: ... The translation, moreover, contains several obvious Latinisms (68) so that there can be little doubt that it was translated from Latin.

    343: However, this still leaves the place and the date of the translation unresolved. Sobolevsky’s idea of Moravia in the ninth century has received little support (69), most scholars preferring Bohemia in the tenth (70) or eleventh (71) century. ... there are no less than four Greek vitae of St. Vitus,

    344: three in codices going back to the eleventh century (74). His cult spread to Byzantum via the Italo-Greeks and his feast is found in some synaxaria (75). His cult was also well known to the Slavs from the time of their conversion onwards and his feastday is listed in many early Slav kalendars, the earliest being the late tenth or early eleventh century Macedonian Assemani evangeliary (76), so that there is nothing a priori improbable in a vita being translated for the South Slavs. Clearly Croatia would be a possible place for a translation from Latin (77) but the language of the translation contains neither Croatisms nor Bohemisms (78). Thus, unless it is assumed that a knowledge of Latin was unknown among the Orthodox South Slavs there is no reason to ascribe the translation to any other region.

(75) Cfr. Delehaye, Synaxarium, op. cit., coll. 751-752. Links between Italy and Bulgaria are well attested in the ninth to thirteenth centuries, cfr.

•          Dujčev, La Bulgaria medioevale fra Bizanzio e Roma. Relazioni della Bulgaria con Bizanzio e con l’Italia, in Felix Ravenna XLVI (1968), pp. 67-97;

•          Idem, I Rapporti fra la Calabria e la Bulgaria nel medioevo, in Atti del IV Congresso storico Calabrese, Naples 1969, pp. 235-250;  <- сканирано

•          Idem, Riflessi della religiosità italo-greca nel mondo slavo ortodosso, in Italia sacra XX (1973), pp. 181-212.

At least one Italo-Greek work was translated in Bulgaria at an early time, probably the tenth century, viz. an abridgment of the typicon of John of Pantelleria which has been edited by I. Mansvetov, Tserkovny tipik (ustav) - yego obrazovaniye i sud ba υ grecheskoy i russkoy tserkvi, Moscow 1885, pp. 441-445, and by I. Dujčev, Il Tipico del monastero di S. Giovanni nell’isola di Pantelleria, in Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata XXV (1971), pp. 1-17» cfr. pp. 5-12.

Naturally the vita of Italo-Greek saints such as Pancratius of Taormina, Gregory of Agrigento and Leo of Catania were also translated. The relations between the Italo-Greek monks and Byzantium were not halted by the schism of 1054, cfr. A. Pertusi, Rapporti tra il monachesimo italo-greco ed il monachesimo bizantino nelť alto Medio Evo, in Italia Sacra XXI (1972), pp. 473-520.

 

    348: On Athos the Benedictine monastery of S. Maria of the Amalfitans, founded c. 985-990, existed throughout the eleventh and twelfth centuries (93), the schism of 1054 making little difference to the situation (94),

(93) Cfr. A. Pertusi, Monasteri e monad italiani all’Athos nell’alto medioevo, in Le Millénaire du Mont Athos, 963-1963. Etudes et mélanges, vol. I, Chevetogne 1963, pp. 215-251.

 

(94) Even less were the relations between the Italo-Greeks and the patriarchate of Constantinople affected by the schism, as the travels of Bartholomew of Simeri, founder of the monastery of S. Maria del Patire at Rossano, in the Byzantine empire, including Athos, in the early twelfth century reveal, cfr. M. Scaduto, Il monachismo basiliano nella Sicilia medievale, Rome 1947, pp. 165-180, and see above note 75.

 

 

    - Early Slavonic translations – An Italo-Greek connection?  (Slavica Gandensia, 12, 1985, 221-234)

 

 

 

а) Таормина:

 

- Cynthia Stallman-Pacitti: The Life of Saint Pankratios of Taormina: Greek text, English translation  (Brill, 2018)

    Славянски землянки «σκηνώματα τῶν Σκλάβων» и вероятно преводачи от/на славянски в околността на Сиракуза (Сицилия) през VIII в., споменати в житието на Панкратий Тавроменийски. (Епизодът със слав. землянки е изпуснат в старобългарския превод на житието от X/XI в.)

 

- Mario Capaldo: Un insediamento slavo presso Siracusa nel primo millennio d.C.  (Europa Orientalis, 2, 1983, p. 5-17)

    5: Pancratius, disciple of Peter, made a bishop, is sent, together with Marcian, ... to give baptism. The two, who landed in Sicily, and precisely in Taormina the first and Syracuse the second, carry out their apostolic activity with success...

This story, which is at the origins of Sicilian Christianity, complicated by numerous vicissitudes and varied by didactic digressions (for example, an entire compendium of sacred history) and fables (for example, the toponymic saga of Tauro and Menia), is narrated in Vita Pancratii (BHG 3 1410), a hagiographic text of exceptional length (about 300 dense pages) and confusion, but also (and this restores the balance).. of great interest, both for the language and for the historical-geographical information of which abounds and for the history of the hagiographic genre, or rather of the Christian novel (Veselovskij 1886: 29 ff.).

<- A.N. Veselovskij, Iz istorii romana i povesti. Materialy i issledovanija. Vyp. I Greko-Vizantijskij period, "Sbornik otdelenija russkogo jazyka i slovesnosti LAN” 42 (1886) 2, p. 29 ss. (Christianskie prevraščenija grečeskogo romana); pp. 65-128 (Epizod o Tavre i Menii v apokrifičeskom žitti sv. Pankratija)

 

 

    6: The problem of the reliability of Life as a historical source arises both for the biography of Pancrazio and for other information on Sicilian historical geography ... The impression one gets from the available material and from an initial survey in the manuscripts is more that of a muddled Christian adventure novel than a historical tale.

    Usener (1902: 353): "I would like to suspect that a Greek monk gifted with imagination, whom the tribulation of the iconoclasm had driven from his fatherland to the west, wrote this novel in and for Sicily".

it is probable that Life dates back to the beginning of the first phase (30s of the VIII century), if its clear and characteristic anti-Jewish and anti-Montanist orientation

    7: For the Slavist, in particular the paleoslovenist, the interest of Vita lies in the fact that, together with the more famous Vita Antonii (BGH 3140), occurs in an ancient-Bulgarian version, and even more so in the circumstance that the translation seems to be related to the activity of John the Exarch (Angelov 1967).  the two Vitae were not included in ... hagiographic collections.. but constituted a book in themselves.

... But the Vita Pancratii presents another - particular, I would say accidental - motif of Slavic interest, and this is the one to which this short note is dedicated. Among other undertakings, the Life also narrates that of the conversion of the Syracusans by Marcian, vainly opposed in his apostolic work by Jews and Montanists. Once defeated, they take refuge in a camp (or neighborhood, in Greek: σκηνώματα) near the city.

    8: Now, it is precisely the inhabitants of this camp, called Σκλάβοι, who arouse the interest, and test the acribia of the scholar of Slavic antiquity.
    one of the characteristic features of the short edition is the absence of this chapter.

    9: Veselovskij (1886: 110) does not go so far as to deny the validity of the news, however the doubt arises that these Σκλάβοι are, like the Esclers of the ancient French epic, a product of fantasy.

Whatever the origin and variety of uses of the term Esclés ( Esclavoz , Escler , Esclavon , etc .; Kahane 1962: 358-360) in the French epic, starting with the Chanson de Roland, certainly the process of transformation of his original denotative content

<- H. e R. Kahane, Notes on the Linguistic History of Sclavus. In: Studi in onore di Ettore Lo Gatto e Giovanni Maver, Firenze 1962, 345-360

https://books.google.co.uk/books?newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&redir_esc=y&id=VKMcAAAAMAAJ&focus=searchwithinvolume&q=roland :

 

258: ... material of the doubters, esclavon (the long form) and esclés (the short form), the latter with the variant esclers (cf. Vising, Arch. Rom., II [1918], 17). Langlois (Table des noms propres, pp. 196-198) lists a large inventory of forms and passages in the chansons de geste, beginning with the Song of Roland. He glosses the two ethnonyms, esclavon and esclés, as 'Slaves confondus avec les Sarrasins'. This explanation which attributes the

360:
... cf. Byzantion, XIV [1939], 287 and 312-313), who suggest changing the reading Bruns of O 3225 to the Ros of V4 3418. The problem is not one of V4 vs. O but rather of two widely spread allosemes (or meaning variants) of the one morpheme (or form unit) sklav(on) and its variants. The Song of Roland, significantly, contains both.

 

(connected with the Sclavi of the Germanic area, to which the word refers; Vising 1918: 17) in the connotative one of the epic ("Slavs confused with Saracens" Langlois 1904: 196) is connected with the impact that the Sakāliba had on the Western Arab-Christian frontier,

<- E. Langlois, Table des noms propres de toute nature compris dans les Chansons de Geste imprimées, Paris 1904: 196
 

 

 

namely "the foreign personal guard of the Umaiyad caliphs of Cordoba” (Levi-Provençal 1925, which states that this term originally referred to prisoners who “the Germanic armies brought back from their expeditions against the Slavs and which they then sold to the Muslims of al-Andalus”).

Another possibility to check, before taking the news literally, is whether here Σκλάβοι cannot simply mean "slaves" (and not "Slavs"). We know that in this period (as indeed for many centuries still) slavery was practiced in Sicily. ... So a Jewish slave quarter outside Syracuse is not impossible. The difficulty is rather terminological. The terms used to designate slaves in our sources at the time are mancipia , servi , ancillae , οἰκέται, δοῦλοι, δέσμιοι. The words σκλάβος and sclavus (and the reflections of the latter in the Romance and Germanic languages) will assert themselves only later.

The older history of σκλάβος and the partly related one of sclavus, for which a rich bibliography already exists (cf. Kahane 1962), is quite obscure.

    10: In southern Italy, in the secc. XI-XII, sclavus "is far from the semantic value of slave ... very rarely in the cited papers does it refer to modest social strata" (Gentile 1959: 184). In any case, there is difficulty in going further back than the 10th century. (Aebischer 1936).

... The sure attestations of σκλάβος "slave" do not seem to be prior to the 12th century (so Dölger 1952 against Amantos 1932, which dates back to the 7th century)

The presence of Slavs in central-southern Italy in medieval times is a phenomenon that needs to be studied in a more systematic way than has been done up to now. In ancient times (VII-ΧΙ century), which is what interests us here, this presence is not reduced to pirate raids on the coastal strip or attempts to military occupation of more or less large slices of territory. The sources allow us to glimpse at least two other types of settlements:

    11: those of refugees or fugitives, who must not have been few in those centuries of great populative movements in the Balkans, and those of mercenaries and perhaps border guards (in the service of both the Arabs and the Byzantines), real colonies completely demilitarized over time (Guillou 1973, 1976; Capaldo 1979; Gestrin 1979; Spremić 1980).

As regards Sicily more particularly, the most ancient evidences date back to the end of the first millennium AD (Di Giovanni 1887). We have news for eg. of "Slavi" in Palermo. It is from the Palermo base that the Slav Sabir made, in the years 928-929, in the service of al-Mahdi, his raids in southern Italy (Amari 1935: II, 207-210, 253). the Palermo district "Harat 'as Sakāliba" (Quarter of the Schiavoni), of which Muhammad Ibn Hawkal in his Kitab al masalik (Amari 1880: 1,13) says that "it is more remarkable and more populous that the two aforementioned cities ”, owes its origin to these mercenaries-slaves-pirates of al-Mahdi who over time ended up taking root in the city. But these "Slavs" bear the suspicion that generally applies to most of the Sakāliba of Arab sources, that is, that they are not only and always "Slavs" (Levi-Provençal 1925).

Far more important in our case is the information we get from Gaufredus Malaterra's De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae comitis et Roberti Guiscardi ducis fratris eius . The chronicler refers to a clash, near Taormina (therefore in the same geographical area, where the facts narrated by our life take place ), between Ruggero and a group of local Slavs: ...

Equally interesting for us are the news on the Calabrian Slavs, more numerous for the ancient period (X-XI century) than those relating to the Sicilian Slavs. More than the mentions of isolated characters, such as the Bulgarian monk peeping from Vita S. Nili (Dujčev 1971: 510) or the soldier "qui szlavonice Zolunta vocatur" (MGH ss 3 (1839): 765-766) who helps Ottone near Rossano (Mažuranić 1925: 284), the news of the Annales Barenses is important to us, a bit mysterious in truth, but hardly completely fantastic :

"AD 981 Fecit proelium Otto rex cum Sarracenis in Calabria in civitate Columnae, et mortui sunt ibi 40 milia paganorum cum rege eorum, nomine Bullicassinus" (MGH ss 5 (1844): 55),

where the undoubtedly Slavic anthroponym (Vlkašin) forces us to understand Pagans as Pogani and that is Narentani, or the Παγανοί of Constantine Porfirogenito (Jenkins 19672, sv Παγανοί). It is possible that these Pagans are Saqaliba, that is Narentani mercenaries in the service of the Saracens.

Gaufredus himself gives news of another group of Slavs, located near S. Marco Argentario (between Malvito and Bisignano), therefore not in Sicily but in Calabria (but this does not mean much for us). Here's the step:

    "In Vicinoorem se conferens castrum, quod sancti Marci dicitur, firmavit ... Sed cum, signed castro, quid victus quod introduceret non inveniret ..., Guiscardus usque ad sexaginta, ...

    12: Unlike those of Taormina, these Slavs are not hostile to Guiscardo, who on the contrary uses them to supply himself in a difficult situation. The chronicler gives us some more information on this group: a detail of their clothing (scarpis, quibus pro calceariis utuntur) and, above all, tells us that they know the region well (totius Calabriae gnaros). This last detail is important, because it assures us that it is not a question of a missing group or a fleeting apparition, but of elements that have long been in the area.

Most of these Slavs certainly came from the areas immediately facing the eastern coast of the Adriatic and in some cases we are able to indicate exactly the region of origin. However, there is the possibility that some groups originated from more inland areas. I do not believe that the news of Bulgarian history of Lupus protospatharius presupposes - as Dujčev 1971: 510-514 believes

<- Dujčev 1971: 510-514:

стр. 514: Lupus Protospatharius: the death of King Samuel & the killing of King Gabriel-Radomir in the Bari chronicle must therefore be explained as a testimony of ties with Bulgaria or at least with the presence of refugees of Bulgarian lineage in southern Italy.

- the presence in Bari of Bulgarians who fled their lands, when they were conquered (1018) by the Byzantines. But as regards the Slavs who passed from Sicily to Puglia in 1041, there is no doubt about their origin, as they are explicitly called "Macedones et Pauliciani"

<- да се провери откъде е цитатът "Macedones et Pauliciani". У Влаевска..

 

13: We do not know how to explain the fact that this information is missing in the old Bulgarian translation of Vita Pancratii (Veselovskij 1886: 72). Is it a lacuna dating back to a sub-archetype of the Slavic version or an omission desired by the translator?

According to the story of Life , the inhabitants of Taormina are engaged in frequent wars against transmarine enemies. Their justification is, in the story, already of an epic nature : "for the glory!" (ὥστε γενέσθαι ὀνομαστοὺς). One of these military campaigns, led by Bonifazio, lord of Taormina, is contemporary with the events narrated in the Life . The men of the goods are collected ἀπὸ τε τῶν Μολικῶν καὶ Ἐτναίων καὶ τῆς παραλίου Τίτου καὶ τοῦ σὺν αυτῷ τέρμονος κατὰ μεσημβρίαν τοῦ ἄγοντος τόπου ( Sf. 172v), that is in an area close to the ancient Demona or Demenna (Filangieri 1978). The reason for the expedition is the usual one: ἔθος ἡμῖν ἐστι τοῖς ἐναντιουμένοις ἡμῖν τὰς ἡμῶν ἐπιδείκνυσθαι ἀνδραγαθίας. Boniface returns with many prisoners, about whom we learn that they are Avars and that they have settled in the eparchies of Durres and Athens. We do not know anything about their end that they are baptized by Pancrazio. And this baptism, more than a hagiographic cliché, is a historiographical topos, if not a real fact (cf. the similar end of the Avaro-Slavic survivors in the Peloponnese: αὐοὺς τοὺς βαρβάρους χριστιανοὺς ποιῆσαι, Dujčev 1976: 20).

These reports of incursions on the other side, already in the process of epic idealization, have a historical foundation. We know that the Avaro-Slavs invaded and occupied Greece for two centuries (VII-VIII). And that the natives have partly taken refuge in Sicily, among other things in Vai Demone. There is debate on what is meant by Avaro-Slavs. Perhaps they are not only Slavs, as Barišić (1965) wants, but two ethnically distinct groups even if allied in the enterprise (Nistazopulu 1970). It is certain in any case that the Slavs were a conspicuous part of it. So that the Slavs of our life may well be, I do not say the prisoners of Boniface, but elements of the same origin. The fact that in LifeThere does not seem to be any relationship between the prisoners of Bonifazio and the aliens encamped near Syracuse, being called Avars in one case and Slavs in the other, he must not make any difficulties. The same oscillation in the designation of the Avar-Slavs (now Avars, now Slavs) is in the Chronicle of Monemvasia (Dujčev 1976, 16,18 and n. 53).

 

 

- Явор Милтенов: Славянская рукописная традиция Жития Панкратия Тавроменийского  (Wiener Slawistischer Almanach, Sonderband 82, 2013)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu )

 

 

б) Pantellaria - Преподобный Иоанн, игумен Паталарейский:

 

Cuba di Santa Domenica (Castiglione di Sicilia)

(photo from facebook)

 

- Иванъ Мансветовъ: Ктиторскій уставъ монастыря на островѣ Пателареи  (стр. 441-445 в Иванъ Мансветовъ, Церковный уставъ (типикъ) его образование и судьба в греческой и русской церкви, М., 1885)

- Silvio Mercati: Sul tipico del monastero di S.Bartolomeo di Trigona tradotto in italo-calabrese in trascrizione greca da Francesco Vucisano  (Archivio storico per la Calabria e la Lucania, VIII, 1938, 197-223)

 

- Gianfranco Fiaccadori (transl.): Pantelleria: Typikon of John for the Monastery of St. John the Forerunner on Pantelleria  (In: J. Thomas, A. Hero (eds.), Byzantine monastic foundation documents, v. I, Dumbarton Oaks Studies XXXV, 2000, p. 59-66)

 

- Giuseppe Scalia: Le Kuriate e Pantelleria. Osservazioni onomastico-etimologiche  (Bulletin Du Cange 43, 1984, 65-100)

 

- Giuseppe Sechi: Segni dell’Architettura Antica sul Gran Monastero di S. Giovanni di Pantelleria  (Symposia Melitensia 11, 2015, 181-192)  (.pdf файл от www.um.edu.mt )

 

- Ярослав Щапов, Vera von Falkenhausen, Ferdinando Maurici, Cristina Torre, etc.: Иоанн преподобный, исповедник / The Typikon of St John the Forerunner of Pantelleria

 

- Ihor Ševčenko: Report on the Glagolitic fragments (of the Euchologium Sinaiticum?) discovered on Sinai in 1975 and some thoughts on the models for the make-up of the earliest Glagolitic manuscripts  (Harvard Ukrainian Studies 6, 1982, 2, 119-151)

 

- Грамота от 1114 г. на Констанция Френска, вдовица на Боемунд I Антиохийски (първия син на Роберт Гвискар), даряваща роби на манастира на Св. Петър в Таранто  (Accessiones ad Historiam Abbatiae Casinensis, t. I, ed. E. Gattula, Venetiis, 1734)
    Споменати са четирима българина, една българка и един влах (Georgius Bulgarus Criso (Хриз?), Dragius Bulgarius, Simeon Bulgarus Filius Argentia, Blassius Bulgarus, Maria Bulgara и Georgius Blachus)

 

 

в) Месина:

 

- Federico Martino:

   - Messina e il suo distretto. Dalla «fidelitas» all’esercizio della giurisdizione  (La valle d’Agrò. ... I, L’età antica e medievale, a cura di C. Biondi, Palermo 2005)  (Abstract)

        Martino has also recently reiterated his thesis, proposing however this time to backdate, together with the privilege of Arcadio, also the Praxeon ton basileon, which he had not previously dealt with: see F. Martino, Messina e il suo distretto.

   - Aristarchus Scannabue (Federico Martino): Colligite fragmenta ne pereant II. “Gran mirci” a Messina: la vera storia di una falsa paternità  («Archivio storico messinese», 93 (2012), pp. 451-462)

        on the dating of Praxeon, see also what the scholar wrote under the pseudonym of Aristarchus Scannabue, in  Colligite fragmenta ne pereant II. "Gran mirci" in Messina: the true story of a false fatherhood, in the "Archivio storico messinese", 93 (2012), pp. 451-462: in particular 458

 

- Placido Arena-Primo: Storia civile di Messina colle relazioni della storia generale di Sicilia  (Presso Lorenzo Dato, Palermo, 1841)

 

- Синезий Киренский: О царстве  (Митрофан Левченко (прев.), Византийский Временник, том VI, 1953, 327-357)
... варвары не должны в этом принимать никакого участия, — их нужно удалить из всех учреждений.
стр. 351-2 (част 20):
... бог войны и богиня Фемида, ... должны часто, я думаю, скрываться от стыда: полководец, одетый в звериные шкуры, командует воинами, одетыми в хламиды; варвары, завернувшись в грубый плащ и надев сверху тогу, приходят рассуждать с римскими магистратами об общественных делах, восседая в первом ряду после консулов, выше стольких почетных граждан. ... Во всех семействах, пользующихся достатком, рабами бывают скифы; скифы накрывают на стол, готовят еду, разливают вино. ... Вообще скифы — племя, издревле рожденное для рабства, достойное и годное только на служение римлянам. Но чтобы эти люди, белокурые и причесанные на манер эвбеян, были в одной и той же стране рабами частных лиц и хозяевами государства — это зрелище неслыханное, удивительное для других.

21. Скифы же — племена, как говорит Геродот, [3] да и мы сами это видели, одержимые трусостью. Из них ведь во все страны доставляются рабы. Блуждающие и не имеющие отечества, они постоянно переменяют страну, — отсюда это выражение, перешедшее в поговорку: „пустыня скифская“. [4] (4. Эсхил. Прометей, стк. 2.) (<- да се проследи по-нататък).

Как повествуют те, которые передают памяти древние события [т. историки], их изгоняли с своих мест сначала киммерийцы, после — другие племена, потом женщины [амазонки], позже наши предки и наконец — царь Македонский. (<- връзка с Димитър Хоматиан/(бълг. апокрифи?) и с прогонените от Ал. Македонски българи).

 

- Синезий Киренский: Египетские речи, или О промысле  (Тарас Сидаш (прев.), Синезий Киренский, митрополит Птолемаиды и Пентаполя. Том I. Трактаты и гимны, СПб., 2012)

 

- Тарас Геннадьевич Сидаш: Жизнь и творчество Синезия Киренского, митрополита Птолемаиды и Пентаполя (В: Синезий Киренский, митрополит Птолемаиды и Пентаполя. Том I. Трактаты и гимны, СПб., 2012)

266: Дела провинции возвращают его к 398 г. домой, где он оказывается вовлечен в административную деятельность и, в конце концов, как один из крупнейших и, несомненно, наиболее дееспособных землевладельцев провинции, избирается в начале 399 г. послом в Константинополь, дабы исхлопотать ослабление налогового бремени для только что разоренной кочевниками области.
271: Скитской пустыне
273: К концу 399 г. Синезий получает документ, освобождающий Верхнюю Ливию от церковных податей и заметно снижающий налоговое бремя.
274: Однако не успел еще Синезий отбыть, как началось восстание Гайны: поначалу этот готский генерал довольно долго подавлял восстание готов-федератов под командованием Трегибальда. Результатом войны готов с готами на землях империи было совершенное разорение всех азийских провинций вплоть до Египта, где этот театр, наконец, окончился, и Гайна восстал открыто. Никакого серьезного сопротивления императорская власть мятежному генералу оказать не могла. Ближайшими следствиями победы Гайны было восстановление Цезария на посту префекта претория и немедленная отмена всех сделанных при Аврелиане распоряжений. Консулы Сатурнин и Аврелиан были отданы Гайне в качестве заложников во время переговоров о мире в Халкидоне, и, повидимому, только ходатайство Иоанна Златоуста спасло им жизни. Шло лето 400 г., готы властвовали по обе стороны Босфора, их отряды находились и в самом Константинополе. За формальным миром таилась непримиримая вражда, Гайна готовился к штурму столицы, варварофильское окружение бездарного императора ни в чем ему не препятствовало.
... Потерпев поражение в попытке захватить столицу изнутри, Гайна начинает открытую войну. И тут Империя призывает на помощь уже упоминавшегося нами язычника и эллинофила Фравиту; разбитый им при попытке переправиться через Гелеспонт, Гайна бежал за Дунай и был убит гуннским вождем Ульдисом, а его голова засолена и отправлена в Константинополь. События в столице описываются Синезием как очевидцем в трактате «Египетские речи, или о Промысле». ... Их не обошли и все сколько-нибудь заметные историки: Филосторгий, XI, 3; Созомен, VIII, 4; Зосим V; Сократ VI, 6,
 

275: Нам неизвестно, константинопольское ли землетрясение 402 г. или какие-то иные причины заставили Синезия спешно возвратиться домой мало того не вкусившим блага победы, но даже не получившим вновь от Аврелиана бумаг, восстанавливавших отмененные Цезарием налоговые привилегии Ливии, а кроме того, и поиздержавшимся до необходимости занимать у друзей. Так или иначе, он возвращается домой победителем (формальная сторона дела, нужно полагать, была разрешена в ближайшее время без его личного участия),

 

- Synesius’ Egyptian Tale, or, On Providence  (Augustine FitzGerald (transl., ed.), The essays and hymns of Synesius of Cyrene, including the Address to the Emperor Arcadius and the political speeches. London, 1930)

 

- Peter J. Heather: The Anti-Scythian Tirade of Synesius’ "De Regno"  (Phoenix, Vol. 42, 2, 1988, 152-172)

p. 152:

Eunapius (followed by Zosimus) and Themistius, for instance, consistently refer to Goths as Scythians, while Orosius at Hist. ad. Pag. 1.16.2 identified the Goths with the Getes; for a discussion of such equations, see O. J. Maenchen-Helfen, The World of the Huns (Berkeley 1973) 5 ff.

p. 154:
In addition, the history and lifestyle of the Scythians as described in the De regno accord closely with what is known of the circumstances of Alaric’s Goths after 397 when they were occupying land in the Balkan provinces of the Eastern Empire on highly favourable terms. ...  The author refers first of all to Herodotus to show that “Scythians” have always been more slaves than free men, because they have never managed to retain their own lands in the face of outside aggression (21, p. 49).

The relevant passages appear together in the middle of the De regno and can be conveniently divided into four sections.
- In the first, Synesius points out the dangers of drafting the Scythians en masse into the army (19, pp. 43 ff.).
- He then demands that they should be excluded from military commands and other important Imperial appointments (20, pp. 46 ff.).
- The third uses historical information to suggest that the Scythians’ natural state is slavery and that they can never be trusted to keep the peace (21, pp. 49- 51.3).
- Finally, he proposes a suitable course of action: the Scythians should either be driven out of the Empire, or disarmed and forced to till the soil fully obedient to Imperial orders (21, p. 51.4 ff.).

p. 155-156: This sequence of events exactly matches the recent history of those Goths who were led by Alaric ca 400. Inhabiting lands in the Balkans, they were the descendants of that combined force of Tervingi and Greuthungi who had crossed the Danube in 376; Alaric became their leader when they revolted after the death of Theodosius I in 395.

p. 156:
Synesius’ sequence of events cannot relate to any other known Gothic group of this period. No other Goths were accepted into the Empire peacefully only to revolt and, following subjugation, make a favourable peace settlement with Theodosius I. In particular, this sequence of events does not fit the history of Tribigild’s Goths. It is generally accepted that Tribigild’s Goths, who are specifically called Greuthungi by Claudian, were descended not from the Goths who crossed the Danube in 376, but from a second group, led by one Odotheus, who came to the Danube in 386. ... Odotheus’ Goths, like Tribigild’s, are explicitly “Greuthungi” in the sources. They did not negotiate a peaceful entry to the Empire, but were thoroughly defeated by Theodosius’ forces as they attempted to cross the Danube, suffering heavy casualties in the process. The survivors were then brought into the Empire as prisoners.

p. 158:
Gainas was not a Gothic tribal leader and had risen to prominence through the Imperial military hierarchy, but, in the course of the revolt, he developed strong links with Tribigild’s followers. In the De providentia Synesius had no qualms about presenting Gainas as a Scythian leader, obscuring his Roman military career, ... Gainas became involved in Tribigild’s revolt only at a relatively late stage, after the latter had already rampaged through Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and defeated an Imperial army commanded by a certain Leo

p. 168:
Peaceful coexistence had been interrupted since 382 by a major Gothic revolt between 395 and 397. The narrative is somewhat confused, but in these years the Goths marched south through Greece invading the Peloponnesus. They there caused much damage to such ancient centres of Greek civilisation as Corinth, Argos, and Sparta, while the inhabitants of Athens chose to pay protection money. If Eunapius’ response to this desecration of the classical heartland is at all representative, a subsequent peace treaty with the Goths on their own terms would have been anything but popular. [37]

p. 171:
The political context combines with the internal evidence to suggest very strongly that Alaric’s Goths were the main target of the De regno's anti-Scythian tirade.
... For in autumn 401 the Goths abandoned the Balkans, where they had occupied land for twenty-five years, and all political contact with the authorities in Constantinople with whom they had previously had satisfactory relations. ... Returning to their wagons, they crossed the Julian Alps into Italy, a new geographical region and an unfamiliar political context.
The significance of this is clear. Such a move was not undertaken lightly and must mean that the Gothic leadership was convinced that satisfactory relations with Constantinople were no longer possible.


- Jay Bregman: Synesius of Cyrene, philosopher-bishop  (University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1982)  (excerpts)
p. 44:

At Constantinople common background and social standing were often more important than religious differences. Pagans, such as Themistius, who advocated religious tolerance could support and be favored by Christian emperors.

p. 45:

These included the problems created by Jovian’s disgraceful Persian peace, the disaster of Adrianople in 378, and the limited success of Theodosius’ policy of peace and assimilation of the Arian Goths into the empire during the 380s. With the reestablishment of orthodoxy in 381 and the formation of a “nationalist’’ faction under the Praetorian Prefect Aurelian, ...
By the 390s the pagan threat was on the decline, while the Goths were no longer seen as barbarians who could evolve and be assimilated as good Greco-Romans or Christians, as Themistius had hoped. They were now regarded as heretics...
Thus, by the time of Synesius’ mission to the court at Constantinople, the idea of a Christian empire with an ecumenical outlook was no longer feasible.

[16]. See Themistius, Or. V.69C-70A: the different religions of the empire are like different legions. They are all necessary. God wills the plurality of religions. The “Syrians” (i.e. Christians) worship in one way; the Hellenes in another; the Egyptians in yet another, etc. (The name “Christians” was first used at Antioch: Acts 11:9.)
[17]. ... Themistius appeals to a list of precedents which begins with the integration of the Gauls in the first century and includes many precedents from the days of Marcus Aurelius to the present

p. 55:

Thus Synesius outlined a policy of reform that was conceptually Platonic and “nationalistic” in its main outlines, ... barbarous practices had to be curbed both internally (i.e., the luxury of the court) and externally (i.e., the use of Gothic armies). ... It is likely that some important members of Synesius’ audience agreed with him, for the policy was implemented and seems to have lasted through the praetorian prefectures of Aurelian and Anthemius. [48]

[48]. Coster, 161, points out that with the exception of a few Armenian or Persian names, we know of no military officers in the Empire of the East during this period with barbarian names.

p. 60:
Having successfully completed his mission, [1] Synesius departed from Constantinople in 402, apparently during an earthquake (Ep. 61), and returned home via Alexandria, where he married a Christian in 403.
[1]. De Prov. 1253C and 1256B, indicate that Synesius won fiscal benefits for the cities of his province; he was exempted from curial responsibilities by Aurelian as a result of his service (Ep. 100, 1468D).

p. 178:
Wilamowitz’s assertion that Synesius remained a de facto pagan has much validity.

 

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13. Детайлно представяне на славяномолизкия език:

 

(написано от мен)

 

---

 

13a. Йосипон. Вилибалд фон Айхщет и исландския пътепис Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan за Пелопонес

 

 

 

- Житието на св. Вилибалд фон Айхщет и исландския пътепис Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan за Пелопонес

     "Slavinia" / "Bolgaralandi" в източен Пелопонес според свидетелствата на два североевропейски пилигрима от VIII / XII в.

 

- Борис Евгеньевич Рашковский: Книга Иосиппон как источник по истории славян и некоторых других народов Восточной Европы в исследованиях 1940-1990-х г.  (Славяноведение, Москва, 2009)

    4: В середине XVI в. Азария де Росси, еврейский историк эпохи Ренессанса, все еще склонный видеть в Иосиппоне произведение I в., считал упоминания в «Таблице народов» франков, болгар и готов поздней интерполяцией

... в обнаруженной Д. Флюссером рукописи содержится дата составления хронографа - 953 г. в переводе на современное летоисчисление.

 

    5: Племя «луцнин» было идентифицировано Флюссером с чешскими лучанами, а народ «ляхин» - с поляками [9. Р. 240].

 

    6: Единственные этнические наименования, для которых Флюссер допускает южную, балканскую идентификаци - это хорваты и сербы. Однако и в них он предлагает видеть не балканских, а западных славян - чешских хорватов и лужицких сербов [9. Р. 240].

 

Вывод Флюссера о принадлежности славянских этниконов «Таблицы народов» к западным славянам, не мог не сказаться на работах исследователей, занимавшихся историей западнославянских стран. В немалой степени этому способствовало согласие Т. Левицкого с точкой зрения Д. Флюссера в статье об Иосиппоне в «Словаре славянских древностей» [13. S. 341].

...

В 1960-х годах X. Ловмяньский, ссылаясь только на работу Д. Флюссера 1949 г., предложил датировать сведения Иосиппона 980 г. Датировка связывается им с проблемой независимого существования Краковского княжества, в результате чего и сдвигается на несколько десятилетий вперед.

 

    7: К.Т. Витчак датирует сведения Иосиппона о Кракове периодом до 992 г., когда этот город был присоединен к королевству Болеслава Храброго [15. S. 83-84]. Датировка свидетельства Иосиппона, по его мнению, укладывается целиком в период времени между 965-966 гг., когда Краков, по свидетельству Ибрахима ибн Иакуба [16. S. 48], еще принадлежал чешскому государству, и временем завоевания этого города польским королевством (992). Заслуживает внимания попытка К.Т. Витчака связать названия из так называемого «первого ряда» славянских этниконов Иосиппона с балканскими хорватами, сербами, моравой и захлумскими лучанами [15. S 80-81].

...

Н.М. Мещерский (на основе) статьи 1110 г. Ипатьевского списка ПВЛ пришел к выводу, что помещенное в ней летописное сказание о посещении Александром Македонским Иерусалима было составлено с использованием отрывка из древнерусского перевода Иосиппона. На этом основании он предложил датировать перевод началом XII в. [18. С. 63-64; 66-67].

...

В.Я. Петрухин обращает внимание на сходство в описании Руси в летописной «Таблице народов» и в Иосиппоне: в обоих случаях происходит повтор этникона русъ при описании этнического происхождения и географического местоположения народа [19. С. 27; 20. С. 55].

 

    10: по нашему мнению, написание остальных этнонимов «Таблицы народов» свидетельствует о переводе с иврита на арабский, а не наоборот.

...

Дунайские болгары в арабской историко-географической литературе еще со времен ал-Фазари (конец VIII в.) традиционно именуются «бурджан» [30. С. 510]. Близкое по форме к Иосиппону написание этникона болгары имеется у ал-Масуди (ал-бургар, с вариантом «ал-булгар» [31. Р. 67] и у Ибрахима ибн Йакуба (ал-балкарин) [16. С. 1].

 

    11: Однако и Села не смогла устоять перед соблазном датировать список елавянских этниконов Иосиппона. Исследовательница принимает свидетельство еврейского Иосиппона о народе морава за упоминание Великоморавского княжества. При таком понимании текста источника действительно приходится утверждать, что Иосиппон был написан еще до 906 г. - даты гибели этого государства. В результате возникает соблазн предположить, что приписка, содержащая информацию о славянах, появилась в тексте источника незадолго до 906 г., а сам текст был написан еще раньше [22. Р. 20]. Д. Флюссер обходит эту проблему, утверждая, что весь список славянских народов представляет собой информацию, восходящую к источникам IX в. [12. Р. 8]. На наш взгляд, и точка зрения Селы, и мнение Флюссера не совсем корректны.

 

... О Моравии, как о реально существующей стране, говорят также польские и чешские источники XI-XII вв. - «Хроника» Галла Анонима [36. С. 27] и «Чешская Хроника» Козьмы Пражского [37. С. 151]. Так что из текста Иосиппона напрямую не следует, что имелось в виду именно Великоморавское государство. Говоря о принадлежности Моравы к потомкам Ханаана (или Доданим), еврейский автор имеет в виду именно народ, а не политическое объединение.

 

    12: Таким образом, можно отметить, что большинство перечисленных нашим автором этниконов встречаются в письменных источниках X в., хотя некоторые из них известны только начиная с его второй половины или даже с XI в. Существуют основания сомневаться в интерпретации этого известия как Ш. Селой, так и Д. Флюссером, так как, перечисляя потомков сыновей Яфета, Иосиппон говорит именно о народах, а не о государствах. Наряду с этим существуют известные трудности, не позволяющие датировать часть свидетельств Иосиппона о славянских народах X в. Так что приходится принять предположение Селы о том, что список славянских народов является более поздней припиской.

 

    13: Все это может служить еще одним доказательством появления списка славянских этниконов не в древнейшей редакции Иосиппона, с которой был сделан арабский перевод, а в результате последующего развития рукописной традиции.

 

 

- Авраамъ Яковлевичъ Гаркави: Іосифъ бенъ Горіонъ или Іосиппонъ..  (из: Сказанія еврейскихъ писателей о хазарахъ и хазарскомъ царствѣ, С.-Петербургъ, 1874, 32-77)

    33: «Книга Іосифа сына Горіонова (или книга Іосиппона)», гдѣ авторъ этотъ опять прибавилъ и убавилъ многое и передѣламъ, разумѣется, все на еврейскій ладъ, и гдѣ онъ имѣлъ еще наивность завѣрять читателей, что онъ именно и есть Іосифъ Флавій, писавшій для Римлянъ и Грековъ по-гречески, несмотря на то, что послѣдній въ своей автобіографіи прямо называетъ себя сыномъ Матѳія, а не Горіона!

 

    39: Тогарма составляютъ десять племенъ, которыя суть: Козаръ, Пацинакъ, Аликанусъ, Булгаръ, Рагбина [4], Турки, Бузъ, Забукъ, Унгари, Тилмацъ [5].

 

    43: Доданимъ — это Данишки [3], живущіе въ городахъ, что при заливахъ [4] моря – Океана, въ странѣ Динамарка, Бардана [5] въ великомъ морѣ — они присягнули не покоряться Римлянамъ, и укрылись въ волнахъ Океана, но все-таки не устояли, ибо власть Римлянъ простиралась до конца морскихъ острововъ — Галитціо [6], Кравати, Салки, Лицпи, Лавами, Карбадъ, Казреми, и Базми [7]: (всѣ они) считаются сыновьями Доданимъ. Живутъ-же они по морскому берегу, отъ границы Булгари до Бондекіа, откуда простираются до границы, до великаго моря; они-то и называются Саклаби. Нѣкоторые говорятъ, что они изъ сыновей Ханаана, но сами производятъ они себя отъ сыновей Доданимъ».

 

    48: Вмѣсто непонятнаго имени רגבינ׳ Paгбин[a], или какъ въ текстѣ Бошара רגביג׳ Рагбиг[а], послѣдній читаетъ רגוזה Рагуза ; уже черезъ чуръ смѣлый скачекъ! Кассель читаетъ ברגיני Баргини, и разумѣетъ византійскихъ Βαράγγες или Βαράγγοι (Φαργάνοι Константина Порфиророднаго), т. е. ни болѣе ни менѣе какъ нашихъ Варяговъ.

 

    49: Но если допустить чтеніе Касселя, которое и намъ кажется вѣроятнымъ, такъ какъ случаи перемѣщенія буквъ (metathesis) въ именахъ собственныхъ весьма часто повторяются во всякой литературѣ, то гораздо лучше будетъ отнести это имя къ Βουργοώνες, Burgioni средневѣковыхъ западныхъ писателей и برجان Бурджанъ арабскихъ географовъ, а подъ послѣдними намъ вѣроятнѣе подразумѣвать, вмѣстѣ съ Доссономъ, Катрмеромъ, Вейлемъ, Рено, Дефремери и Мереномъ, дунайскихъ Булгаръ, [1], чѣмъ какихъ-то первородныхъ Бургундцевъ, какъ думаютъ Дербело, Саси, Шармуа Цейссъ и Форбигеръ [2], хотя правда и то, что нѣкоторые средневѣковые писатели смѣшивали Burgioni съ Burgundioni. Доводъ, приводимый Касселемъ противъ отождествленія означеннаго названія Іосиппона съ Бурджанами, а именно, что непосредственно предъ этимъ упоминается Булгаръ — этотъ доводъ можетъ служить въ пользу означеннаго отождествленія, ибо арабскіе писатели всегда упоминаютъ Бурджанъ подлѣ Булгаръ, понимая подѣ послѣднимъ названіемъ Волжскихъ или Камскихъ Болгаръ.

 

    54: Ибо во всѣхъ толкованіяхъ Іосиппона видно стремленіе либо находитъ сходственныя по звуку съ библейскими географическія названія, либо переносить народы родословной таблицы въ самую Европу, или же въ прилежащія къ ней страны.

 

    55: Библейское названіе Тубаль תובל, которое въ Талмудѣ, Вавилонскомъ и Іерусалимскомъ, и въ Мидрашѣ объясняется בית אינקי (чтò слѣдуетъ читать въ одномъ словѣ), ותוניא ,וותנייה, т. е. Виѳинія [1], а новѣйшими экзегетами отождествляется обыкновенно съ Тибаренами (οἱ Τιβαρὴνοι, Tibareni) классической географіи [2],

...

Нашъ Іосиппонъ, принимая это-послѣднее толкованіе изъ предпочтенія къ своей родинѣ,

 

    56: старается оправдать его подъискивая въ Италіи географическое названіе, хотя частью похожее на библейское, а именно Тускія или Тускана (Тоскана).

 

    58: Библейское названіе  Тирасъ Іосиппонъ трактуетъ неменѣе какъ тремя современными ему народами: רוםיש בושני ואננליםי Русишъ, Бошни и Англеси, т. е. Русскими, Босняками и Англичанами. Поводъ къ первому отождествленію, Тираса съ Русью, довольно прозраченъ, а именно, сходство звука. Но неизвѣстно съ какой стати приплетены тутъ Босняки и Англичане.

 

    64: Названіе אלישה Элиша (Елиса), которое по Іосифу Флавію и Іерониму обозначаетъ Грековъ (Эллиновъ, Эолидовъ), Іосиппонъ отождествиетъ съ Алеманіей, Германцами, изъ которыхъ онъ ближе знаетъ Лонгобардовъ, Бургундовъ и Брабантцевъ.

 

    65: Но вотъ мы забираемся съ нашимъ авторомъ на сѣверъ. Народъ דדנים Доданимъ, или по чтенію I-й кн. Паралипоменонъ (I, 7) и самаритянскаго текста Пятакнижія דדנים, ?? Роданимъ, одни отождествляютъ съ городомъ Додона, Δωδὼνη, въ Эпирѣ; другіе, какъ напр. LXX Толковниковъ — съ островомъ Родосомъ; третьи — съ греческими колоніями на Ронѣ (Rhodanus); четвертые — съ Дарданами, Δὰρδανοι; нѣкоторые еврейскіе авторы среднихъ вѣковъ, наконецъ съ кавказскими Дуданійцами, ?? арабскихъ географовъ [1]. Іосиппонъ же, на основаніи сходства съ наименованіемъ Даніи и Датчанъ (Dani), переносить на самый отдаленный сѣверъ.

 

Вмѣстѣ съ Датчанами Іосиппонъ поизводить еще отъ библейскаго Доданимъ семь, а по нашему толковайю восемь, славянскихъ народовъ.

 

Почему именно отъ Доданимъ? Іосиппонъ говорить, что народы эти сами приписываютъ себе такое происхожденіе, чего мы къ сожалѣнію, въ настоящее время не можемъ контролировать. Быть можетъ, ученые спеціально занимающіеся европейской средневѣковой литературою, найдутъ что-нибудь подобное въ хроникахъ IX или Х столѣтія. Впрочемъ, очень можетъ бытъ, что нашъ авторъ просто руководствовался соображеніемъ, что надобно-же отвести и славянскимъ народамъ, уголокъ въ родословной таблицъ, и не нашелъ въ ней названія сходнаго по звуку съ названіемъ Славянъ, приплелъ послѣднихъ къ другому сѣверному народу.

 

    67: Переходя къ исчисленнымъ у Іосиипона славянскимъ племенамъ, мы должны замѣтить, что объясненіе ихъ названій причиняегь неменьшія, а можетъ быть даже и большія затрудненія, чѣмъ подобныя названія у Масуди, о которыхъ мы говорили пространно нѣсколько лѣть тому назадъ [1].

 

    71: Такимъ образомъ изъ Іосиппонова перечня славянскихъ народовъ почти навѣрно узнаны: Галичане, Хорваты, Чехи и, можетъ бытъ, Лехи; остальныя-же названія исковерканы до неузнаваемости, и представленныя толкованія ихъ не болѣе какъ простыя догадки. Русскимъ и Боснякамъ онъ отводить особое мѣсто: первымъ по всей вѣроятности, на основе сходства ихъ имени съ библейскимъ Тирасомъ (Ѳирасомъ), а вторымъ — неизвѣстно почему. Относительно русскихъ всего болѣе поражаетъ странностію извѣстіе его, что они живутъ при Курѣ.

 

Утвержденіе Іосиппона, что нѣкоторые производять Славянъ изъ Ханаана, подтверждается показаніемъ многихъ еврейскихъ авторовъ, начиная съ XII столѣтія [3], что Ханаанцы, спасшіеся бѣгствомъ отъ Исуса Навина и Израильтянъ,

 

1. Мы надѣемся собрать и издать всѣ мѣста изъ еврейской литературы о Русскихъ и Славянахъ въ особомъ трудѣ.

3. Показанія этихъ авторовъ мы приведемъ въ трудѣ, упомянутомъ въ 1-мъ примѣчаніи.

 

    72: вступившихъ въ Палестину, удалились къ славянскія земли. Изъ нашей статьи «Объ языкѣ Евреевъ на Руси и о славянскихъ словахъ въ еврейской литературѣ» можно видѣть, что еврейскіе средневѣковые авторы называютъ обыкновенно славянскія нарѣчія לשון כנען Ханаанскимъ языкомъ [1].

 

    76: Вмѣсто Бошни еврейскаго текста, въ (арабскомъ) переводѣ опять читается Саксинъ.

 

Отрывка о славянскихъ племенахъ совсѣмъ недостаетъ въ арабскомъ переводѣ, какъ не достаетъ въ послѣднемъ и много другаго противъ еврейскаго оригинала. Впрочемъ, весьма вѣроятно, что отрывокъ о происхожденіи Славянъ не находился въ первоначальномъ текстѣ Іосиппона, а есть позднѣйшая вставка. Такъ недавно въ засѣданіи Филологическаго Общества при С.-Петербургскомъ Университетѣ,

 

    77: гдѣ мы прочитали статью о Іосиппонѣ, нѣкоторыми учеными было замѣчено, что про Галичъ или Галичину не можетъ быть рѣчи въ X столѣтіи. Въ томъ же засѣданіи было высказано также сомнѣніе въ пребываніи Венгерцевъ при Дунаѣ въ Х столѣтіи (см. выше стр. 53, прим. 1) но, кромѣ Муральта, въ только-что появившейся исторіи Финновъ Коскинена также говорится, что съ 889 году Мадьяры проникли въ нынѣшнюю Венгрію [1].

 

 

- Владимир Яковлевич Петрухин: Славяне и Русь в "Иосиппоне" и "Повести временных лет". К вопросу об источниках начального русского летописания  (Славяне и их соседи, Москва, 1994, 5, 44-56)

    46: этникон варяги обозначает все народы, включая русь и англян; следующим вводным этниконом оказывается, если исходить из контекста ПВЛ, волхва: он объединяет римлян, немцев и т.д. Очевидно, что под волхами и волхвой здесь подразумеваются не только “итальянцы” и прочие романские народы (ср. Королюк, 1985), но “языци”, входившие в состав Священной Римской (“Романской”) империи, а до того - империи Каролингов: именно эти волхи притесняли славян на Дунае, как сказано здесь же, во вводной части ПВЛ (I. С. 11: ср. Шахматов, 1919. С. 26), и они были изгнаны уграми.

В ПВЛ неясно значение термина галичане, помещенного между перечислениями варягов и волхвы; традиционно считается, что он относится к галлам или гэлам, жителям Уэльса (ПВЛ. II. С. 212): неслучайно галичане примыкают к “агнянам”.

    47: В поздних списках “Иосиппона” есть сходный этникон Галитцио, но он вводит в список “славянских” народов - Саклаби, которые населяют европейский континент от Средиземноморья (Болгарии и Венеции) до того же “великого моря”.

Очевидно, что в данном тексте еврейского хронографа (Гаркави, 1874. С. 303) речь идет о Галиче и Галиции - Галицкой земле в Прикарпатье, которую “Иосиппон” помещает в тех крайних пределах (“до конца морских островов”), которых достигла власть Рима. Информация эта, видимо, не могла повлиять на состав еврейского хронографа ранее середины XII в. - времени формирования Галицкой земли - и, стало быть, не имеет прямого отношения к “галичанам” ПВЛ, составленной в начале XII в.

.. еврейская средневековая историографическая традиция, очевидно, реагировала на реальные изменения в этнолингвистической карте Европы: вероятно неслучайным следует считать и введение в текст “Константинопольской версии” (и состав этой карты) Бошни - Боснии, также обретающей самостоятельное значение в середине XII в. (Наумов, 1989. С. 96-97).

... “и Морава, и Хорвати, и Сорбин, и Лучанин, и Ляхин, и Кракар (вариант Кракав), и Боймин - считаются (происходящими) от сыновей Доданим, живут же они на берегу моря, от границы Булгар до Венетикии на море, и оттуда простираются до границы Саксани”.

Д. Флюссер считает, что информация о славянских народах в “Иосиппоне” восходит к IX в.: об этом свидетельствует то обстоятельство, чуо морава упомянута первой в списке славян - Великоморавская держава действительно первенствовала среди славянских объединений Средней Европы в IX в.; в сферу ее влияния входили, видимо, не только “богемские” (чешские) племена, к которым следует, очевидно, относить хорватов и сорбов “Иосиппона” (ср. Флоря, 1982. С. 121-122), но и “вислянских” ляхов (Исаевич, 1982. С. 148). Лучане и чехи - два племени “Богемии”, кровопролитная война которых, описанная в “Хронике” Козьмы Пражского, относится современными исследователями ко второй половине IX в. (Флоря, 1982. С. 123). В целом список славян “Иосиппона” от моравы до “богемцев” (Боймин), видимо, отражает историческую ситуацию ІХ-Х вв.,

    48: Для большей части этниконов - исключая ойконим (Краков) предлагаются славянские информаторы, использовавшие суффикс -ин даже в книжном Боймин, “богемцы” (имя чехов, восходящее к кельтскому этникону бойи): ср. такое же //// использование этниконов в славянской передаче в трактате Константина Багрянородного “Об управлении империей” и у Масуди (X в.),/// Флюссер отмечает и сходную последовательносгь этниконов “Сорбин, Морава, Харватин” у этого арабского автора, который упоминает и чехов - богемцев: Bamidzin (ср. Турек, 1982. С. 39, 42).

В связи с этим нельзя не вспомнить и о предполагаемом “обратном” влиянии “Иосиппона” на этнонимику ПВЛ: в русской летописи, как и в еврейском хронографе, употребляется форма ////Козаре, козар//// (ср. Гаркави, 1874. С. 306).

(стр. 32: [3]. = Ср. др.-рус. Козаре, ц.-слав. Козаринъ в Житии св. Кирилла (Фасмер, II. С. 278) и топонимы с основой козар в Подунавье (Эрдели, 1983. С. 175).

... Ср. “Иосиппон”:

“Угр, Булгар и Пецинак живут на реке великой, называемой Дануби, т.е. Дунай”,

при этом Угр и Дунай “Иосиппона” также считаются отражающими славянскую передачу.

    49: Характерная особенность, которая объединяет интересующие нас списки “Иосиппона” и ПВЛ, заключается в том, что ///русь ни там, ни там не причислена к славянам/// (собственно, и в “Баварском географе” русь - ruzzi - отделена от славянских племен упоминанием хазар - ср. Мельникова, Петрухин, 1989. С. 35).

    51: Интересно, что эти различия во взглядах на славян отмечены и самим “Иосиппоном”:

“иные говорят”, что Склави “от сыновей Ханаана, но они возводят свою родословную к сыновьям Доданим”.

Д. Флюссер отмечает, что в еврейской средневековой традиции (в частности, у Вениамина Тудельского) славяне отождествлялись с потомками Ханаана, т.е. хамитами, так как представители славянских племен часто попадали на рынки рабов; в Библии (Бытие. 9.25) сказано, что Ханаан проклят: ”раб рабов будет он у братьев своих” (ср. распространенную “народную этимологию” для греческой и латинской передачи самоназвания славян - sclavus, “раб” и т.п.: см. Свод. С. 309. Примеч. 181). Утверждение, что сами славяне относят себя к потомкам Доданим, т.е. яфетидам, соответствует славянской традиции, в частности, и ПВЛ (у Масуди они - потомки Мадая, сына Иафета).

Летописец (ПВЛ), таким образом, лишь в весьма ограниченных пределах мог использовать “Иосиппон”, в частности, не мог “процитировать” значительные фрагменты его „Таблицы народов”. Возможно, данные еврейского хронографа были доступны летописцу в уже “адаптированном” виде, в составе “Хронографа по Великому изложению” (ср. Творогов, 1975. С. 62, и сл.).

 

---

 

<- (Творогов, О. В. Древнерусские хронографы. Л.: Наука, 1975), стр. 62:

Приведенные здесь (как и в дальнейшем) параллели из «Иудейских древностей» или «Истории Иудейской войны» Иосифа Флавия не следует принимать за указание, что эти книги и явились источником Хр. по ВИ. Даже напротив: в Хр. по ВИ встречаются такие детали, которые отсутствуют и у Флавия, и в другом возможном источнике сведений об Иудее - «Иосиппоне». [73] Скорее всего составитель Хр. по ВИ использовал какую-то иную компиляцию, восходящую, возможно, к тому же Флавию.

7З. Следы знакомства древнерусских книжников с переводом этого памятника обнаружены Н. А. Мещерским (см.: Мещерский Н. А. «История Иудейской войны» ... , с. 132-153). В «Иосиппоне», который я сравнивал с Тр. хр. и палеями по изданию Ф. Брейтхаупта (Вrеithаuрt F. Iosippos sive Iosephus ben Gorion. Gothe et Lipsae, 1710), обнаруживаются лишь сюжетные, но не текстуальные параллели к Хр. по ВИ. Однако издание Брейтхаупта не является критическим и воспроизводит текст «Иосиппона» по случайному списку, чем и может объясняться удаленностъ нашего текста, отражающего, возможно, иную версию памятника. На допустимость связи Хр. по ВИ с «Иосиппоном» указал мне Н. А. Мещерский.

 

<- Никита А. Мещерский:  Источники и состав древней славяно-русской переводной письменности IX-X веков  (Изд. Ленинградского у-та, Ленинград 1978)  ("Много хубаво издание на ЗЕКА Мещерски с датировки, неотговарящи на Истрин" - A.Ч.)

стр. 113: Древнеславянский перевод “Истории Иудейской войны”, выполненный, как далее будет показано, не позднее XII в. в Киевской Руси, по составу текста и стилю значительно отличается от всех дошедших до нас греческих рукописей оригинала (а также и от других переводов). Это обстоятельство заставило ряд западных исследователей (А. Берендс, Р. Эйслер) искать в нем отражение того якобы существовавшего арамейского первооригинала, который был впоследствии переработан Иосифом в более приемлемом для римских читателей духе. Однако, как показали более поздние исследования, находить связи с мнимым первооригиналом нет необходимости. Текстологическое исследование показывает, что многие чтения, характерные для древнерусского перевода, находят свою первооснову в особенностях отдельных дошедших до нас греческих списков [1].

114:
§ 2. Изучение перевода “Истории...” в русской и мировой науке.
Древнеславянский (древнерусский) перевод “Истории Иудейской войны” Иосифа Флавия стал известен науке благодаря трудам П. М. Строева, ..., обративших внимание на текстуальные отличия этого произведения от греческого оригинала и на особенности его языка и стиля. С начала XX в. перевод приобретает широкую известность в мировой науке благодаря статьям А. Берендса, выдвинувшего гипотезу об аутентичности и принадлежности авторству самого Иосифа Флавия тех многочисленных “дополнений” в тексте перевода, в которых сооощается о первых шагах христианства. [2]

В 1923—1927 гг. был посмертно опубликован под редакцией К. Грасса выполненный А. Берендсом перевод на немецкий язык первых четырех книг “славянского Иосифа”. [3]

 

    [2].= Berends A. Die Zeugnisse vom Christentum im slavischen “De Bello iudaico” des Josephus. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlicher Literatur. Eds. Gebhard u. Harnack. Vol. XIV. Leipzig, 1906, и др.

    [3]. Flavius Josephus vom Jüdischen Kriege. Buch. I—IV. Nach der slavischen Übersetzung herausgegeben und mit dem griechischen Texte verglichen von Alexander Berends und Konrad Grass. Dorpat, 1924—1927.

 

---

    54: [31]. = О списке славянских народов в “Иосиппоне” см. Флюссер, 1947-1948; Турек, 1963. С. 37-38, 115, 279. Два языковых факта, отраженные в именах славянских народов в “Иосиппоне”, свидетельствуют, по Д. Флюссеру, что автор хронографа слышал эти имена в славянской передаче. Вопреки древней традиции передавать звук -ѵ- в иностранных именах буквой “бейт”, автор использует букву "вав” (в словах Морава, Харвати, Кива), передавая слав. билабиальный -ѵ-. Славянские этниконы имеют в “Иосиппоне” суффикс -ин (в этниконе Харвати конечная буква "нун” возможно, пропущена переписчиком). На -ин оканчиваются славянские имена и у других авторов X в., арабских (Масуди) и византийских (Константин Багрянородный).

[33]. = Учитывая “чешско-моравский” контекст “Иосиппона”, можно предположить, что под хорватами имеется в виду не южнославянский народ, а племя, обитавшее в Восточной Чехии (ср. Флоря, 1982. С. 121-122).
<- това няма значение в нашия анализ.

34. Вероятно, под сорбами здесь также имеются в виду родственные лужицким сорбам племена Чешской долины (ср. Флоря, 1982. С. 121).
<- това няма значение в нашия анализ.

    56: The Old Russian translation of the Hebrew chronograph composed in the middle of the Xth century in Italy - Sefer Yosippon - became one of the sources of the Primary Chronicle. The Russian chronicler used not only “the legend of Alexander” (N.A. Meschersky), but also the Table of Nations from Yosippon (G.M. Barats).
 

 

- Вадим Миронович Лурье: Чаша Соломона - Чаша Ездры. Элементы раннехристианского благочестия в Житии святого равноапостольного Кирилла, Учителя Словенского, и их значение для истории текста  (Славяне и их соседи, Москва, 1994, 5, 9-25)

    10: Ересь триязычников (гл. 15-16) выражалась в преувеличенном почитании надписи на Кресте Господнем [12].

[12]. Реально за ней могло стоять опасение западных клириков, вызванное монофизитским происхождением первоначальной христианской письменности на славянском языке (см. примеч. 58).

    13: если не “Вознесение Исаии” в целом, то, во всяком случае, “Видение Исаии” недалеко отстоит от кирилло-мефодиевской традиции. Как раз в XII в., когда Синодик в Неделю Православии в редакции Афинской митрополии называет “Видение Исаии” “скверным и лжеименным”, принимая его за богумильскую подделку [19], Успенский сборник дает его полный текст на 8 мая, память пророка Исаии (всего известно пять славянских ркп.) [20]. Славянская традиции, очевидным образом, более архаична, и Успенский сборник воспроизводит какой-то древний гомилиар, греческий прототип которого должен предшествовать тотальному перередактированию агиографических сводов во второй половине ІХ-Х вв.

[19]. = Gouillard T. Le Synodikon de l’Orlhodoxie // Travaux et memoires. 1967. T. 2. P. 65,1. 318-322. Издатель (C. 64. Примеч. 271) дает ссылку на “Вознесение Исаии", однако факт упоминания этого произведения под названием «τοῦ Ἠσαιου ὄρασις» имеет принципиальное значение так как этим подтверждается вывод А. Вайана о наличии общего среднегреческого оригинала у славянской и латинской версий “Видения Исаии”, сохранившихся именно под таким названием. См. след. примеч.

     19: Но чин св. Иоанна Иерусалимского, конечно же, был невозможен в Константинополе IX в. (тогдашнее цареградское богослужение известно достаточно, чтобы так утверждать). Но этим не доказывается и историческая недостоверность эпизода с Чашей. Наличие какого-то монтажа в рассказе о миссии к хазарам, тесно переплетающимся с интересующими нас элементами 3,8 и 13 глав, теперь практически доказано [57]. Вероятно, масштабы его были несколько шире. Однако, в рамках настоящей работы нельзя судить ни о происхождении отдельных элементов выявленного “монтажа”, ни о том, какие основания он имел в реальной Жизни св. Кирилла.

 

Я все же решился предложить свое гипотетическое решение, основание для которого привожу в другой работе [58].

 

Подобно “Сказанию о письменах” Черноризца Храбра и синаксарию на Успение св. Кирилла, Житие св. Кирилла в дошедшей до нас редакции контаминирует исторические данные, относящиеся к Первоучителю славян и к другому Кириллу - сиро-яковитскому (монофизитскому) миссионеру VII в., герою “Солунской легенды”. ...

 

Яковитская миссия в VII в. несла и собственно сирийские элементы (так, “Солунская легенда” переведена с сирийского, о чем свидетельствуют непонятые переводчиком и потому просто транскрибированные несколько сирийских слов). В литургическом отношении это означало лучшую, сравнительно с Византией, сохранность раннехристианского и святоградского литургического субстрата.

 

В таком случае интерес св. Кирилла к Чаше мог быть связан с деятельностью его предшественника.

 

    - Почему «славянский» Енох оказался в Нубии?  (Археографические и источниковедческие аспекты в изучении истории России, Новосибирск, 2016, 35-42)

    35: В 2009 г. Йоост Хаген идентифицировал текст 2 («славянского») Еноха в коптских пергаментных фрагментах из раскопок кафедрального собора города-крепости Каср-Ибрим в Нубии (точнее, в Нобатии - самом северном из трех средневековых нубийских государств, пограничном с Египтом) [1]. Коптский текст соответствует, хотя и без абсолютной точности, славянской краткой редакции.

 

    36: Однако не так давно третий «классик» в области изучения 2 Еноха, Френсис Андерсен, показал, что пространная редакция 2 Еноха (в соответствующих частях текста) и Прение восходят к общему еврейскому источнику, который подвергся в них разной степени аккомодации к средневековым христианским традициям (во 2 Енохе эта степень меньше, в Прении - больше) [4];

 

    37: Следов же самого 2 Еноха в Византии - вопреки Соколову и Вайяну - нет никаких.

 

... Обнаружение в коптской версии именно краткой редакции окончательно опровергает гипотезу Соколова в части происхождения краткой редакции (мы теперь достоверно знаем, что она возникла не на славянской почве),  ... Сторонники первичности краткой редакции (Вайян и Навтанович) настаивают на происхождении пространной редакции на славянской почве.

 

    38: выводы Вайяна и Навтанович не убеждают никого из специалистов по иудаизму эпохи Второго Храма, которые изучают содержание 2 Еноха в обеих редакциях [7].

 

... «Дополнения» пространной редакции по отношению к краткой содержат главным образом такие космологические и календарные подробности, которые не могли быть известны или хотя бы понятны не только никому в славянском мире, но и в Византии. Византийская цивилизация - в отличие от другой средневековой христианской цивилизации, эфиопской - отказалась от идеи адаптировать календарно-космологические представления иудейской апокалиптики периода Второго Храма (в свою очередь, восходящих к месопотамской астрономии) и, вместо этого, просто целиком их отбросила. (=  538 г. до н. э. - 70 годом н. э.)

 

Добавление подобных разделов на славянской или пусть даже византийской почве представляется невероятным. Поэтому вся пространная редакция 2 Еноха выглядит - если оценивать ее содержание - как еврейский текст периода Второго Храма (безотносительно к языку оригинала, которым мог быть как еврейский и/или арамейский, смешанные в любой пропорции, так и греческий).

 

    40: Если совместить это предположение с выводом Л.М. Навтанович о том, что пространная и краткая редакции 2 Еноха представляют один и тот же перевод, то вырисовывается следующая картина: сначала на славянской почве появляется краткая редакция, переведенная с греческого; потом создается пространная редакция - путем дополнения готового перевода краткой редакции за счет сирийской версии пространной редакции; дополнения переводятся напрямую с сирийского.

 

Эта картина хорошо совмещается и с тем, что известно о славянских переводах с сирийского, и с известными закономерностями истории текстов на христианском Востоке. С сирийского на славянский переводилось то, чего нельзя было найти на греческом [11]. А на христианском Востоке исчезновение текстов из рукописной традиции обычно происходило так, что утраченные на греческом произведения еще продолжали жить в своих восточных версиях (в том числе и в славянских) [12]. Поэтому если пространная редакция 2 Еноха была утрачена на греческом языке, то на сирийском она вполне могла сохраняться еще несколько «лишних» веков.

 

Важнейшая загадка, связанная с историей славянского 2 Еноха, состоит в том, что это произведение имело у славян необычайно высокий статус. Об этом говорит как включение его в авторитетный свод библейских толкований, Толковую палею (несмотря на отсутствие этого произведения в ее византийском оригинале, который до нас дошел по-гречески), так и пространное цитирование 2 Еноха в качестве авторитетного источника права (в русском Мериле праведном и некоторых других документах). Такое отношение ко 2 Еноху было бы естественным, если бы перевод можно было атрибутировать Кириллу и Мефодию, их непосредственным ученикам или хотя бы Преславской или Охридской школам перевода. Но такая атрибуция затруднительна. Относительно произведений, отбиравшихся для перевода на славянский в IX-X вв., мы знаем, что в общем они соответствовали составу хорошей библиотеки большого византийского монастыря [13].

 

    41: Это исключает выбор для перевода таких псевдоэпиграфических произведений, которые к тому времени либо вообще не имели распространения в Византии, либо имели распространение весьма ограниченное. Поэтому даже и независимо от вопроса о языке, с которого делался славянский перевод, возникает вопрос об источнике текста: что это за источник, если им не могла быть византийская церковная традиция IX-X вв.?

 

Изложенные выше соображения по истории текста 2 Еноха указывают на одну из - примерно десятка - невизантийских традиций, в которых параллельно использовались греческий и сирийский языки; за малым исключением, все эти традиции монофизитские [14]. //Про самые распространенные и поэтому самые известные нам сейчас из этих традиций/// мы можем повторить приблизительно то, что нам известно о традиции византийской: для них также 2 Енох, да еще в столь авторитетном статусе, едва ли возможен.

 

... 2 Енох обнаружен на коптском, точнее, на саидском диалекте коптского, который стал в VI в. общепринятым вторым, после греческого, церковным языком Египта. При этом в самом Египте или в церковно с ним тесно связанной Эфиопии ни малейших следов 2 Еноха не обнаруживается. Из этого можно сделать вывод о том, что собственная христианская традиция коптов, которая стала монопольной для Коптской Церкви уже после арабского завоевания Египта во второй половине VII в., а сформировалась она в качестве одной из традиций коптского моно- физитского христианства еще в конце VI в. (при коптском патриархе Александрии Дамиане, 577/578-606/607), не принимала 2 Еноха.

 

    42: Нубия обратилась в христианство в VI в. В то время она состояла из трех государств: перечисляя с севера на юг вдоль Нила, это Нобатия, Макурия и Алодия. Нобатия граничила с Египтом, а Алва - с Эфиопией. 2 Еноха нашли в Нобатии.

 

Нобатия и Алодия были единственными в мире государствами, где победило особое направление монофизитства - «павлианство», названное так современниками по имени их формального лидера монофизитского патриарха Антиохии Павла Бег-Уккаме (564-581).

 

Коптский перевод 2 Еноха, кем бы и когда бы он ни был сделан, мог быть занесен в Нубию только «павлианами».

 

В VII в. движение «павлиан» полностью или частично размывается; следы его отдельного существования в этом веке уже не обнаруживаются. Есть, однако, основания полагать, что те сирийские миссионеры, которые пришли к славянам, сохраняли в своей традиции наследие «павлиан».

 

 

    - Две иудейские космологии: Косма Индикоплов и рабби Иуда бар Илай  (И. Р. Тантлевский (ред.), Иудаизм эпохи Второго Храма, раннее христианство и античность, СПб., 2013, 84–123)  (.pdf file from www.academia.edu)

    1 (84): В отличие от Филопона, его современник и согражданин (также житель Александрии) Косма Индикоплов в своей Христианской топографии эксплицитно исповедует свою верность восточной экзегетической традиции и даже лично несторианскому католикосу Антиохии Мар Абе, и действительно, его обращение с текстами Священного Писания крайне буквалистическое.

После Вольска-Коню Филопон и Косма почти всегда рассматриваются как прямые оппоненты. В 2005 году в университете Лунда (Швеция) была даже защищена диссертация под характерным названием «Иоанн Филопон против Космы Индикоплова. Христианская полемика о мироустройстве в Александрии VI века». [3]

[2.] = W. Wolska, Recherches sur la « Topographie chrétienne » de Cosmas Indicopleustès. Théologie et science au VIe siècle. Paris, 1962 (Études byzantines, 3); W. Wolska-Conus, Cosmas Indicopleustès, Topographie chrétienne. Introduction, texte critique, illustrations, traduction et notes. Tomes I-III. Paris, 1968–1973 (Sources chrétiennes, 141, 159, 197). В дальнейшем мы ссылаемся на это издание.
 

[3.] = 3 Birgitta Elweskiöld, John Philoponus against Cosmas Indicopleustes. A Christian Controversy on the Structure of the World in Sixth-Century Alexandria. Lund University, Dept. of Classics and Semitics. Lund, 2005.

    3: 2.1. Личность Космы
Как это нередко бывает, наши сведения об авторе мирового бестселлера христианского средневековья [8] довольно скудны. [9] Только в поздних рукописях появляются упоминания его имени «Косма» и его монашества. Вполне возможно, что в реальности он не был ни монахом, ни Космой. Также вполне возможно и даже наиболее вероятно, что он не был и «Индикопловом» — «плавателем в Индию». Описания Индии в Христианской топографии не производят впечатления свидетельства очевидца, и, главное, автор сам про себя нигде не пишет, будто он посещал Индию лично. Совершенно напротив: он пишет (II, 29) лишь о том, что «плавал по трем заливам (ἔπιεπζα ηνὺο ηξεῖο θόιπνπο)» — Римскому (Средиземное море), Аравийскому (Красное море) и Персидскому. [10]

[8.] = О популярности его Христианской топографии свидетельствует не только широкое распространение его греческих рукописей, а также высокое художественное качество некоторых из них, но и огромная популярность славянского перевода, известного в трех редакциях — сербской, болгарской и русской. О славянской традиции см. подробно: A. Jakobs, Kosmas Indikopleustes. Die christliche Topographie in slawischer Übersetzung, Byzantinoslavica 40 (1979) 183–198.

    6: Итак, все хронологические данные сходятся на том, что Христианская топография была написана в 548–549 году с возможной небольшой погрешностью, о которой предупреждает сам автор. Terminus post quem — 17 августа 547 года (дата самого позднего из упоминаемых в тексте датируемых событий). Terminus ante quem — 566 год (год смерти патриарха Феодосия), но, очевидно, что реальная дата не может быть существенно позднее 549 года.

15: Однако, постепенно в космографии иудейской апокалиптики периода Второго Храма обозначился устойчивый интерес к иерархии небес, которых, для удовлетворения этого интереса, должно было становиться много. Если в старейших астрономико-апокалиптических текстах, каковы 1 Енох и 2 Енох [52], небо одно и не дифференцировано на отдельные «небеса», то в более  поздних текстах, каковы, например, Завет Левия [53] или дошедший только на славянском Апокалипсис Авраама, «небес» становится три и больше — очень часто семь. Именно эта традиция стала преобладающей в талмудическом иудаизме и мистической традиции хейхалот.

[52.] = Египетский иудейский апокалипсис I века по Р. Х., сохранившийся только на славянском языке и в некотором количестве фрагментов на коптском языке, обнаруженных в Нубии (их идентифицировал в 2009 году Йоост Хаген (Ioost Hagen), который представил об этом доклад в июле 2009 года в Неаполе на международной конференции The Fifth Enoch Seminar; его доклад готовится к публикации в: G. Boccaccini, A. Orlov (eds.), Proceedings of the Fifth Enoch Seminar, Naples, 2009).

О древности космологических и календарных концепций 2 Еноха, которые могут восходить к IV веку до Р. Х. (для сравнения: Астрономическая книга в составе 1 Еноха обычно датируется III в. до Р. Х., хотя звучат иногда голоса в пользу более ранней датировки; возможно, к ним следовало бы прислушаться), см.: B. Lourié, Calendrical Elements in 2 Enoch, in: G. Boccaccini, A. Orlov (eds.), Proceedings of the Fifth Enoch Seminar, Naples, 2009.

    23: В более общем плане истории культуры и науки наши выводы также имеют значение. Они служат лишним напоминанием о том, что для понимания христианской культуры Египта даже и в VI веке ///не следует забывать об иудео-христианском бэкграунде, который вовсе не всюду и не всегда был вытеснен влиянием традиций эллинизированного христианства и александрийской школы толкователей Аристотеля./// Другим недавним (2009 г.) напоминанием о том же самом было обнаружение в Нубии коптских фрагментов 2 Еноха, который теперь уже даже формально перестал быть только «славянским». Между прочим, обнаружение его именно в Нубии, в той ее части, куда в VI веке пришли сирийские миссионеры (Каср-Ибрим в Нобатии), двигавшиеся из Египта, означает, что в соответствующей тадиции христианства это был высокоавторитетный текст, который был транслирован христианской миссией в Нубию.

Александрийское христианское общество VI века нужно попытаться заново понять как общество, в котором сосуществовало — разумеется, отнюдь не мирно — несовместимое: приверженность крайнему рационализму, доходившая до создания богословских схем научными методами, — у одних и приверженность иудейской мистике в качестве источника интерпретационных схем даже для самой науки — у других. Иоанн Филопон и Косма Индикоплов по праву могут считаться крайними выражениями каждого из этих полярных по отношению друг ко другу подходов.
 

 

- Basil Lourié:  Syrian and Armenian Christianity in Northern Macedonia from the Middle of the Eighth to the Middle of the Ninth Century  (Materials in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Crimea, 2018, 10)  (.pdf file from www.academia.edu/38105051)

 

    1: (461): The nature of the earliest Bulgarian Christianity is not understandable without its background in local communities of Syrian and Armenian Christians. ... Oddly enough, I have never met an archaeological study where a possibility of dating a church construction in Macedonia to the eighth or the first part of the ninth century would have been taken seriously.

2. The Palaces in Pliska and Their Architects

In 1968, Anatoly Leopol’dovich Yakobson (1906–1984) published a seminal paper on the influence of the Syrian and Armenian architectural traditions on the earliest architecture in the Bulgarian Kingdom [1].

    [1.] = Якобсон Л. А., К изучению раннесредневековой болгарской архитектуры (армянские параллели), Византийский временник 28 (1968) 195–206.

    6: Nicephorus of Constantinople—albeit in his later work only—described the same events in a heavily biased manner: according to him, Constantine never led wars against the non-Christians (although earlier Nicephorus himself described such wars against the pagan Bulgarians [27]), and, therefore, he attacked these cities of Armenians and Syrians only because they were Christian.

    9: Theophanes’ mention of the Paulicians is not without interest to us, because it might reveal some tensions in religious matters with the population mentioned, although we know that it was in a large part Chalcedonian. Nina Garsoïan did not object to this Theophanes’ opinion on the penetration of Paulicianism into the Balkans, although without, of course, considering this resettlement as the only or the principal way [47]. Indeed, it is quite likely that, among the resettled people, there were some Paulicians. Nevertheless, in Armenia, the Paulicians were a minority. Regardless of the possible contribution of these hypothetical Paulicians resettled in the Balkans by Copronymus, the majority of the resettled population was sharing the main confessions of their homeland. These confessions were Severian Monophysitism and Monothelete Chalcedonism.

... Thus, the population removed from Theodosioupolis and Melitene was certainly problematic from the viewpoint of Theophanes’ Byzantine Orthodoxy.

    12: The earliest post-Byzantine churches in Macedonia patterned after Oriental prototypes are certainly to be attributed to these Syrians and Armenians and not to Slavs and Bulgarians. The dates of their construction must be later than the 750s but not later than 850s and probably even no later than the late 830s (when northern Macedonia became a part of the pagan Bulgarian kingdom).

    13: The meaning for the Bulgarian culture of the towns mentioned by Nicephorus was especially undermined due to Vasil Zlatarsky who one-sidedly followed Theophanes and, therefore, considered these Syrian and Armenian immigrants to be Paulicians resettled on border fortresses71. Zlastarsky’s approach to the data related to these Syrian and Armenian immigrants contributed to the marginalisation of their historical role in the eyes of the modern historians.

4. Concluding Remarks: Translatio cultus

The translatio urbis, in our case, is applied to Theodosioupolis and not Melitene. Only the population of Theodosioupolis is reported to be removed in full.

... An important local cult in Macedonia is that of the Fifteen Martyrs of Theodosioupolis. This Macedonian Theodosioupolis is localised in the modern city of Strumica. According to their Passion épique BHG 1149, the leader of their group was some Bishop Theodore (without his see being named), and their commemoration date is November 28 [72]. However, in the calendar of Constantinople that is traceable back to the year 900 approximately, on this day is commemorated Theodore, the bishop of Theodosioupolis in the Great Armenia [73]. This fact alone is sufficient to demonstrate that the “new” Theodosioupolis in Macedonia was a replica of the “old” Theodosioupolis in the Great Armenia (Karin, Erzurum) and not any of the two Theodosioupoleis in Asia Minor, as it was thought previously. The local cult of Bishop Theodore of Theodosioupolis in the Roman Armenia, the main figure of the Council of Theodosioupolis in 591, when the Armenian Chalcedonian Church was established and its first Catholicos John was elected [74], was transmitted to northern Macedonia,

 

 

- Веселина Вачкова: Романьотите в ромейския свят  (La Estreya, 10, 2014, 11-23)

    11: Не случайно най-ранното определение на тези евреи от сънародниците им е било „йаванити", т.е. „елини". Това название идва от библейското Yawan (יזזניטיקה), което в буквално следване на текста на книга Битие: А Яванови синове: Елисей, Тарсис, Китим и Доданим (10:4), означава елини или земи, населени от тях.

 

    12: Според преданието македонският цар на елинистичен Египет Птолемей II Филаделф (285–246 г пр.н.е.), загрижен за престижа на знаменитата си библиотека и за нуждите на всички свои поданици, решил да преведе Тората от арамейски за гръко-езичните евреи в столицата си. За целта повикал евреина Аристай и го натоварил с мисията да доведе от Йерусалим 72 еврейски мъдреци, но говорещи не само еврейски, а и гръцки - като всички, които принадлежат към тогавашния интелектуален елит.

 

    15: При формирането на византийската традиция в отношенията с евреите, която пряко рефлектира върху съдбата на романьотските общности, фундаментална роля са изиграли две предания, свързани както с езическото, така и с християнското начало на Византия. Първото предание, премълчавано дори от малцината запознати с него специалисти, се отнася до времето и обстоятелствата на създаването на самия град Византион – бъдещия Константинопол – Нов Йерусалим и Нов Рим. Според местните разкази Византион е бил създаден в седмото столетие преди Христа (точно както гласи и официалната научна версия), но не от легендарния мегарски цар Бизас, а от реална историческа личност – еврейския цар Манасий (682-642). Това предание е било не само достатъчно устойчиво, а и достатъчно сакрализирано от ортодоксалната църковна традиция, за да го видим цитирано като безусловен факт през XIV в. от българския патриарх Евтимий в „Житието на светите Константин и Елена" [8].

 

Второто предание засяга произхода на самата св. Елена, а оттам и на св. Константин – еталони и патрони на всички православни царствени двойки. В официалните източноправославни жития произходът на Елена се маскира зад неясни формули и на преден план се изтъква фигурата на Константиновия баща – Констанций Хлор. Обаче общата ранна християнска традиция, възхождаща към „Житието на св. папа Силвестър" (IV в.) и запазена в корпуси като Сенгалския Кодекс (IX в.) и „Златната легенда" на Якоб Ворагински (XIII в.), гласи, че Константин е бил покръстен от Силвестър и за благодарност бил спрял антихристиянските гонения в Римската империя. За това дело майка му Елена го похвалила, но същевременно горчиво упрекнала сина си, че е изоставил старите им юдейски добродетели и вяра. Малко по-късно Елена, с решаващата помощ на местния евреин Иуда, открива Христовия кръст в Йерусалим. Този Иуда в източноправославната традиция ще се превърне в християнина Иуда-Кириак и в християнски мъченик.

 

    [8.] = Патриарх Евтимий, Съчинения. София, 1990, с. 123.

 

    16: Накратко, ромеите схващат своята история като продължение както на библейския, така и на историческия Израел. Това обяснява, от една страна, отъждествяването на всеки византийски василевс с нов Давид, нов Соломон, нов Ездра и нов Йосия, на всеки велик византийски военен предводител с нов Мойсей и нов Иисус Навин, и респективно, на всеки византийски враг с нов фараон (ако е нехристиянин) или с нов Седекия (т.е. цар отстъпник, ако е християнин, както Анна Комнина нарича българския цар Самуил).

 

    18: Хазарският произход на други василевси като Лъв IV (775-780) е подсилвал убеждението в юдейската основа на иконоборството [11].

 

    21: Факт е, че в края на X в. цяла една българска царска династия — Самуиловата — ще бъде определена от Бениамин от Тудела като „еврейска". Вярно е, че това заключение на еврейския автор се базира на „еврейските имена на българските предводители" (Аарон, Давид, Мойсей и Самуил). ... Друг е въпросът, че Самуиловият род не само е носел еврейски имена, а е бил подозиран и в покровителстване на богомилската църква. Повечето неортодоксални учения, в т.ч. римо-католицизмът, са минавали под общия знаменател на „жидовстващи ереси". Също така едва ли е случайно тъкмо от ядрото на Самуиловата държава — Охрид — през X-XIV в., че ще излязат някои от най-знаменитите романьотски интелектуалци като Товия бен Елиезер [20] и Иуда Леон бен Мозес Москони [21].

 

    [20.] = Товия бен Елиезер написва в края на IX в. Lekach Tov — труд, в който авторът прецизно коментира съдържанието на думите, в частност на употребата им в Свещените книги. Арамейските думи ги замененя с думи на иврит, подрежда мидрашите, оформяйки ги спрямо високите си стилистични изисквания и често оспорва (без да цитира конкретни имена) някои караитски богословски авторитети.

    [21.] = Знаменит учен и талмудист от XIV в.

<- да се проследи

....

...

    22: Самият Константин-Кирил, според житието му, е превел еврейска граматика в осем части и е познавал детайлно рабинитските, караитските и самарянските еврейски писания.

 

През същата епоха Търново става сцена на едно уникално събитие — българският цар Йоан Александър (1331-1371) избира за своя царица чудно красивата местна еврейка Сара. Сара (наречена Хебраида от Мавро Орбини) е покръстена. Тя приема името Теодора и остава в историята като майка на последния търновски цар — Йоан Шишман и баба на един от най-забележителните Константинополски патриарси — Йосиф II (Шишман).

 

 

 

- Гелиан Михайлович Прохоров: Глаголица среди миссионерских азбук  (Труды Отдела древнерусской литературы, Санкт-Петербург, 1992, 45, 178-199)

    178: Миссионерские азбуки по-разному относятся к первоначальному письму книг Нового завета — греческому

 

    179: Резко различаются же они — и это, вероятно, связано с разным их отношением к греческой основе — своим стилем: в максимально использующей греческие буквы кириллице и специфически славянские знаки стилистически приближены к греческим; гораздо же более сложная графически глаголица как будто сознательно от греческого письма по облику удалена.

 

Глаголицей, несомненно, пользовались создатели славянской письменной литературы; похоже, что из Моравии—Паннонии глаголица распространилась к хорватам в одну сторону, к болгарам — в другую; в X в. она была известна и в восточной, и в западной Болгарии

 

 

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<- Развитие этнического самосознания славянских народов в эпоху раннего средневековья. М.: Издательство "Наука", 1982.

https://inslav.ru/publication/razvitie-etnicheskogo-samosoznaniya-slavyanskih-narodov-v-epohu-rannego-srednevekovya-m

 

Глава девятая. Формирование этнического самосознания древнесербской народности [Е. П. Наумов]

 

    стр. 192: Вероятно, существование на границах сербских княжеств, перечисленных выше (а затем и в составе раннефеодального Дуклянского государства), представителей романского этноса, обладавшего собственным языком и тесными связями с Италией, могло содействовать (в силу постоянного этнического противостояния) появлению представлений прежде всего об общеславянской, нежели о сербской, общности или же о локальных единствах (прото-народностях). К сожалению, мы можем судить об этом главным образом на основании памятников христианской церкви (латиноязычных документов, составленных в Италии и Далмации). Примечательно, что в этих источниках XI в. обычно говорится не о сербах, а о «славянах», причем подразумеваются жители Дукли, Захумья и соседних областей [22]. Вполне вероятно, что представления, связанные с самосознанием широкой славянской общности, могли в определенной мере замедлять развитие этнического самосознания собственно древнесербской народности.

 

Глава двенадцатая. Древняя славянская письменность и становление этнического самосознания у славян [Н. И. Толстой]

 

    стр. 240: Глаголица, однако, во многих южнославянских землях была заменена кириллицей, которая затем в культурно-историческом ареале Pax Slavia Orthodoxa оказалась господствующей. Наиболее вероятным временем и местом официального утверждения кириллицы можно считать 803 г. и болгарскую столицу Преслав, где царем Симеоном был проведен собор [7, s. 79—88]. Более точных свидетельств подобного рода у нас нет.

 

    [7]. = Ильинский Г. А. Где, когда, кем и с какой целью глаголица была заменена кириллицей. — In: Byzantinoslavica. Praha, 1931, roč. 3, s. 1.

 

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<-  Гранстрем Е. Э. О происхождении глаголической азбуки. // ТОДРЛ. 1955.

http://lib2.pushkinskijdom.ru/Media/Default/PDF/TODRL/11_tom/Granstrem/Granstrem.pdf

 

    стр. 302: В 1952 году вышла из печати работа болгарского ученого Емила Георгиева „Славянская письменность до Кирилла и Мефодия", где также доказывается, что именно глаголическая азбука есть „азбука Константина-Кирилла“. [6]

 

Важнейшими доводами в пользу этого положения Ем. Георгиев считает „мораво-паннонскую глаголическую традицию", т. е. языковые особенности древнейших глаголических рукописей, указывающие на их происхождение из тех областей, где началась миссия Кирилла и для которых была составлена им новая азбука. Георгиев подчеркивает также, что в житиях Кирилла и Мефодия говорится о создании Кириллом именно новой азбуки, каковой может считаться только глаголица. [7]

 

 

    183: глаголица ... настолько близка по стилю к миссионерским азбукам первых шести веков нашей эры, что было бы удивительно, если бы ее не пытались выводить из этих алфавитов.

 

На поразительную близость ряда армянских и эфиопских знаков письма указал Д. А. Ольдерогге и объяснил ее знакомством Месропа Маштоца с эфиопской литературой, легко возможным в IV—V вв. и за пределами африканского континента благодаря распространению власти Аксума, а с ним и влияния эфиопской христианской культуры на Аравийский полуостров, и развитию эфиопско-армянских церковных связей. [23]

 

Ю. М. Кобищанов:

«.. V—VIII века были периодом расцвета армянской культуры, причем победа в Армении монофиситской доктрины идейно объединила армян с коптами, аксумитами и частью сирийцев и нубийцев. Существовали и места, где уже в V—VI вв. образованные и любознательные армяне, а также грузины могли встречаться с аксумитами и нубийцами и беседовать с ними как по вопросам веры, так и об их странах. Главными из этих мест были Александрия и Иерусалим». [25]

 

Вероятно даже, что в самой Армении незадолго до создания армянского письма Месропом Маштоцем, в конце V в., сириец епископ Даниил вводил в употребление именно эфиопское письмо.

 

    191: При всех столь же очевидных случаях стилистической близости глаголических букв к армянским [29](,) с эфиопскими у тех и у других общего больше, чем между собою. Близость глаголицы к эфиопскому письму отмечает Д. Диррингер... Общность между глаголицей и эфиопским письмом выходит за пределы сходства отдельных графических фигур.

 

Совмещая такой культурно-психологический «портрет-робот» создателя глаголицы с Константином-Кириллом, жившим в IX в., мы встречаемся с большими затруднениями. С армянской и грузинской письменностями Константин-Кирилл, конечно, мог познакомиться, если не в Солуни и Константинополе, что, заметим, вполне вероятно, то уж во всяком случае в Крыму или на Кавказе во время своей хазарской миссии. Допустим, в Крыму же он мог познакомиться с сирийским письмом, [32] а у Каспийского моря с умиравшим албанским. [33] Но с коптским и, главное, эфиопским? Коптская письменность, возникнув во II—III вв. усилиями переводчиков с греческого языка книг Ветхого и Нового заветов, пережив расцвет в V—VII вв. в период «коптского возрождения», пробыв затем 63 года после арабского завоевания официальной в государственной канцелярии Египта (коптский язык был заменен в этом качестве арабским лишь в 705 г.), начала под арабами постепенно сдавать свои позиции и в конце концов сохранилась лишь там, где и возникла, — в коптской церкви. Созданная не позже IV в. подобным же образом (путем перевода с сирийского церковных книг) эфиопская письменная литература после появления в VII в. арабской империи и цивилизации тоже оказалась в состоянии глухой изоляции. К IX в. Аксум с его ослабевшей культурой давно уже был закрыт от Средиземноморья стеной враждебного и полного сил мусульманского мира. [34]

 

    192: Века с V по VIII были периодом высшего расцвета и плодотворных взаимосвязей сирийской, армянской, коптской, эфиопской и нубийской монофизитских христианских культур.

 

... Вплоть до середины V в., когда Халкидонский собор (451 г.) разделил православных и монофизитов, влияние африканской и сирийской церквей было главенствующим на Балканах, где, заметим, как раз в это время начали приходить в соприкосновение с греками славяне. Об установлении в ту эпоху торговых связей коптов со славянами может свидетельствовать изделие коптского прикладного искусства этого времени (V—VII вв.) — пластинка из оленьего рога с рельефными изображениями, найденная в детской могиле 850—950 гг. на территории Великой Моравии. [36]

 

...В Житии Иоанна Златоуста говорится, что он посылал «мужь добрых, иже апостолы подражають при житии», к появившимся на Дунае «скифам», «да е научеть Закону». [37] Это, вероятно, были гунны (готы уже находились на территории Византии и более полувека имели свою письменность), а с гуннами во множестве шли славяне: с падением гуннской власти они оказались насельниками недавно подвластных тем земель. Достоин внимания факт, что на исходе IV в., как раз в то время, когда патриархом в Константинополе был Иоанн Златоуст (398—404 г.), в течение трех лет там жил епископ египетский Птолемаиды (район Асуана) Синезий, [38] знаток африканских христианских систем письма. И надо сказать, греческое письмо тогда должно было ассоциироваться как с непобежденным еще язычеством, так и с широко распространенным арианством, с которым Иоанн Златоуст вел борьбу;

 

По мнению И. И. Срезневского,

«вероятно, не слишком долго спустя после готов и славяне стали пытаться передавать на своем языке места из книг Св. Писания и молитвы. Славяне юго-западные могли начать эти попытки в VI—VII веках. . .». [39]

 

... Действительно, второе возможное для этого время — эпоха Юстиниана (середина VI в.),

 

    [37]. = См.: Hansack E. Die Vita des Johannes Chrysostomos des Georgios von Alexandrien in Kirhenslavischer Übersetzung. Freiburg, 1980. Bd 2. S. 258—260.

 

    194: Что касается выражения «езыки словинскые, рекше Бьлгаре», т. е. «народы славянские, называемые болгарами», употребленного в самом начале «Слова», то оно не противоречит исторической ситуации, о которой идет речь.

 

    196: ... Вернемся теперь к вопросу, почему солунский митрополит VII в. мог препятствовать проповеди христианства среди так сильно угрожавших городу язычников. ... Вторая причина, не исключающая первую, могла состоять в том, что родившийся в Каппадокии, воспитанный в Западной Сирии пришелец из коптскога Египта, вероятнее всего, был монофизитом, для греков — еретиком. В таком случае православный грек-митрополит пытался воспрепятствовать монофизитской проповеди среди язычников в своей епархии, но не смог.

... Вот откуда, а не только от национальных чувств ущемляемых византийцами болгар может происходить некоторая отмеченная учеными антигреческая направленность «Слова». Прозвание «Философ» показывает, что в упомянутом им как место его учения Дамаске Кирилл Каппадокийский окончил университет. Да если и обрел он вдруг забытый алфавит, созданный для славян в V в. (хорваты ведь верят, что глаголица — изобретение блаженного Иеронима Стридонского),

 

198:

Если глаголица была придумана или только распространена среди славян проповедником-монофизитом, то и созданная его проповедью в их среде христианская община должна была быть монофизитской. О существовании именно такой общины в среде бесписьменных язычников-славян на Балканах сообщает нам арабский географ Масуди:

 

«Обиталища их <славян> на севере, откуда простираются на запад. Они составляют различные племена, между коими бывают войны, и они имеют царей. Некоторые из них исповедуют христианскую веру по якобитскому толку, некоторые же не имеют писания, не повинуются законам; они язычники и ничего не знают о законах». [57]

 

Яковитами называли и называют монофизитов Сирии и Северо-Восточной Африки. Масуди писал в 40-х гг. X в., когда основная масса балканских славян исповедовала уже православие; сам он на Балканах не бывал. Отставание его от жизни объясняется тем, что в данном случае он пользовался не своими наблюдениями, а трудами предшественников — вероятнее всего, не дошедшим до нас сочинением Хоррами, писавшего на сто лет ранее, в 40-х гг. IX в. [58] Совсем незадолго до моравской миссии Константина-Кирилла и Мефодия тот побывал в плену у византийцев и имел возможность видеть славян лично.

 

... после окончания иконоборчества, с торжеством православия (843 г.) и возрождением византийской культуры и государственности, империя вновь обратилась со своим словом к окружающему миру, что хорошо видно по миссиям Константина-Кирилла и его брата Мефодия к арабам, к хазарам и к славянам, а тем самым и к Риму.

 

[57]. = Сказания мусульманских писателей о славянах и русских (с половины VII века до конца X века по P. X.) / Собр., пер. и объясн. А. И. Гаркави. СПб., 1870. С. 135.

[58]. = Там же. С. 119, 161.

 

    199: Во второй половине 80—начале 90-х гг. IX в. в Болгарии Черноризец Храбр в апологии «О письменах» — славянских буквах, созданных Константином-Кириллом, — написал, что одни буквы тот создал «по образцу греческих письмен, другие же в соответствии со славянской речью», так что 24 из них «подобны греческим письменам». [60] Сочинение это известно в 78 списках XIV—XVII вв., и некоторые из них, как удается установить, сопоставляя их данные со славянскими азбучными акростихами, восходят к глаголическому протографу, так что полагают, существовали две его редакции — кириллическая и глаголическая. [61]

 

... Кстати, назвать изобретенное Константином-Кириллом письмо по его имени можно было только для того, чтобы отличить его от уже существующего славянского. Нет ведь примеров, чтобы народ, впервые получая письменность, назвал ее именем создателя: армянское письмо не называют «месропицей», а коми — «стефаницей»; но есть пример того, что реформированный алфавит называют именем реформатора: так, переделанный Вуком Караджичем сербский алфавит называют «вучицей».

 

    200: «Иеронимовыми» глаголические буквы называют, мы знаем, по крайней мере с XIII столетия по настоящее время. [66]

 

... Двойственность с постоянно нарастающим перевесом кириллицы, неуклонно ведущим к полной ее победе, замечается в областях, где действовали ученики Кирилла и Мефодия (Болгария). А где такого рода последовательные и продолжительные усилия не были приложены, там восторжествовала глаголица (Хорватия). Не потому ли и молчат эти ученики в своих сочинениях о хорошо им известной иной, нежели изобретенная Кириллом, и исторически предшествующей ей славянской азбуке, что они знают о ее прошлом?

 

Свидетельствуют же о нем не только сами глаголические буквы, о чем шла речь, но и древнейшие сохранившие их книги. Если ранние кириллические рукописи (X—XII вв.) вызывают в памяти современные им греческие, то ранние (примерно так же датируемые) глаголические — значительно более ранние восточные: глаголические тексты позволяют увидеть в своем содержании «про-сирийские» элементы, а геометрические формы их инициалов, глядящие сквозь окружности лики, набор красок, присутствие древних зооморфных мотивов при отсутствии золота, растительных элементов и других стилистических признаков византийского послеиконоборческого возрождения — все это указывает на искусство Малой Азии и Египта как на источник влияния, — на те самые сирийские и коптские манускрипты VI—VII вв., [67]

 

[66]. = См.: Stefanić V. Nazivi glagoljskog pisma // Slovo. Zagreb, 1976. T. 25-26. S. 17-76.

 

 

 

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14. Цар Симеон и горещите 20-те години на X век в централното Средиземноморие.

 

(написано от мен)

 

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15. Етнографски остатъци от българи, славяни в Молиз, Ишчия, Пентаполис, Калабрия

 

 

 

http://toshev.blogspot.com/2014/09/blog-post_9.html

 

- Palmerino Savoia, Thrill d’altri tempi  (Rassegna Storica dei comuni, IV, 1972, 17-22)

Св. Барбатус; свещено дърво, борби на конници около него.

 

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15а. Момини скали. Амазонки

 

- Mарк Oсипович Косвен: Амазонки. История легенды  (Советская Этнография, М., 2, 3, 1947)

 

- Zmago  Šmitek: Neevropski motivi in vplivi v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu  (Primerjalna književnost, Ljubljana, št. 2, 1983, 31-44)

    Non-European motives and influences in Slovene folk tradition

36:  Saracens

One of the most famous and popular folk songs, the ballad about Lepa Vida (SNP 73-75), describes how a Muslim Maver (a song he calls a “black zamorec”) takes his married wife away from home to the “Spanish queen” with promises or deception. most probably originated between the 9th and 11th centuries, when Moors from Spain, Sicily and North Africa invaded the Adriatic coastal cities. [41] The motif of a Christian girl in Moorish captivity is also found in poems about Brajdika and Ančika (SNP 117) and Zarika and Sončica (SNP 71-72). In terms of time and place of origin, they belong to the same group as Lepa Vida. [42] Poems between the "Queen of Spain" and the "Queen of Poland" are reminiscent of the battles between the Saracens and the Normans in southern Italy in the 11th century (SNP 35, 36). According to Ivan Grafenauer, the latter is the Norman queen of Naples (domestic "Napoletan" - "Polish"). [43] The novel about the pilgrimage of St. James of Compostela (SNP 37), based on models from the 12th century, tells of a pilgrimage to Moorish Spain. It most likely came to us before the end of the 13th century, when interest in crusader stories from Spain was still alive. It was brought by a pilgrim who knew foreign languages ​​and became acquainted with the material along the way in Spain, France, or Italy, [44] and perhaps also by a student who had spent some time in these lands. [45]This indicates the path along which other songs with Saracen material could have come to us. While the novel about the pilgrimage of St. James of Compostela contains a medieval motif of a woman rescuing her husband from Saracen captivity, [46] another version of this motif, when a husband rescues a woman from the hands of the Saracens,

  

37:

preserved in narrative poems about Ribniška Alenčica (SNP 92), Ribniška Jerica (SNP 93—94) and about King Matjaž (SNP 1—8). Variants of these songs in all probability came to us from Provence via Italy. [47]

 

Several Slovene legends about Christian saints-martyrs also contain Saracen elements (eg Saint Barbara thrown into prison , SNP 641—644; Saint Ursula shot , SNP 645). The Spanish Moors appear here as persecutors of Christians. The Moors have been replaced by Turks in songs and legends since the 15th century, when the memory of the battles with the Saracens became extinct.

41. Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenska narodna balada o Lepi Vidi, Dom in svet 1937-38, str. 230-237; ibid., Lepa Vida. Akademija znanosti in umetnosti v Ljubljani, Filozofsko-filološko-historični razred. Dela 4. Ljubljana 1943.

42. Ivan Grafenauer, O Zatiki in Sončici in še kaj o „španskih" junakih, Dom in svet 1939, str. 78-89.

43. Ivan Grafenauer, „Poljska kraljica", Dom in svet 1939, str. 224 - 228.

44. Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenska narodna romanca o romanju svetega Jakoba Komposteljskega, DiS 1937-38, str. 338-348.

45. Naše zveze s Španijo so bile žive že v 12. stoletju, ko so tamkajšnje arabske šole postale znanstveno središče Evrope. Tedaj je v Španiji deloval naš rojak Herman de Carinthia, ki je prevedel iz arabščine v latinščino dele korana in več drugih spisov.

46. Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenska narodna romanca . . str. 338-348.

47. France Kotnik, Slovenske starosvetnosti, str. 83.

 

 

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16. Италия и глаголическите (Шевченко) и ранни български кирилски (Чилингиров) паметници

 

 

- Трендафил Кръстанов:

    - „40 беседи“ на папа Григорий Велики: Преводи от латински на български език от ІХ в. или на чешко-църковнославянски от ХІ в.?  (Многообразие в единството, 2, 2010)

    - Поетът св. Йоан Екзарх АН, ИЯН, ЯН, ИО, „работил в Рим” като дипломат, черноризец, Архиепископ и Патриарх на българската земя - нов Златоуст Български  (Преславска книжовна школа. Т. 11, 2011)

    - Славянският палимпсест в Cod. Vat. gr. 2502. Парадокси на Кирило-Методиевската мисия, итало-българска следа и аксиома за езика  (Τριανταφυλλο. Шумен, 2013)

 

- Асен Чилингиров: Извадка от "Албански дневник, 1986"  (2010)

        ... връзката с българското ранносредновековно крепостно строителство, най-силна в Аполония и Бутринт, [е] несъмнена и в каскадата от крепости по Виа Егнация и в района на Корча, където според мен трябва да се търсят остатъците и от значителния български административен, културен и църковен център Девол.

 

- Асен Чилингиров: извадка от ?? за влиянието на българи-емигранти (от Охрид) върху изкуството (оформление на църкви) в Южна Италия/Сицилия.

 

 

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17. Молиз и околности: лангобардска култура, етнография и т.п.:
 

 

- Franco Valente, La cripta dell'abate Epifanio a San Vincenzo al Volturno  (В: Alessandro Testa (a cura di), L’abbazia di San Vincenzo e l’Alta Valle del Volturno. Special issue of "ArcheoMolise", n. 8, 2011)

 

- Francesco Abbate, La scultura nella Langobardia minor tra “maniera beneventana” e “maniera greca”  (In: M. Rotili (a cura di), Tra i Longobardi del Sud: Arechi II e il Ducato di Benevento, Padova 2017, п. 713-720)

 

 

- Francesco Bozza:

    - L'altomedioevo nel Molise. Proposte per nuove ricerche di storia  (Collana History Books, n. 2, 2014)  (откъс)

    -

 

 

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Casteleprio:

-

 

    - Paola Marina De Marchi, Il territorio del Seprio tra Longobardi e Carolingi: un modello per lo studio dell'organizzazione del potere  (In: M. Rotili (a cura di), Tra i Longobardi del Sud: Arechi II e il Ducato di Benevento, Padova 2017, p. 91-116)  (.pdf файл от www.academia.edu)

 

 

 

 

 

- В. К.: Българи и славяни в южна Италия преди и след Алцеко  (версия март-май 2019)

 

    Съдбата на три средновековни славянски колонии на адриатическото крайбрежие:

        - Анкона (XIV в.) (по Макушев)

        - "Молиско-хърватски" селища на адриатическия п-ов Гаргано, провинция Апулия, от XI, XVI в. Pještica - друго име на Peschici (Пескичи)

        - Джоя дел Колле (Gioia del Colle) близо до Бари. Стихът "Ora vijas nat gradum Smerevo" в Lo Balzino на Rogeri de Pacienza di Nardò (1498)

            Най-ранната "бугарщица", записана в южна Италия от поета Рожер де Пациенца

 

    Peschici, Gioia del Colle, Acquaviva Collecroce

 

- Житието на св. Вилибалд фон Айхщет и исландския пътепис Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan за Пелопонес

     "Slavinia" / "Bolgaralandi" в източен Пелопонес според свидетелствата на два североевропейски пилигрима от VIII / XII в.

 

- Наблюдения върху славомолизкия език (По песента "Влахиня злюблйена" на Джордже де Рубертис и по някои публикации на Walter Breu)

        Абсурдни опити на Валтер Брой да възпроизведе наново българската граматика на "славомолизкия" като италианско влияние върху един "чист" славянски/хърватски.

        Смесен характер на езика - (предимно) сърбо-хърватска лексика и фонетика, но (предимно) българска граматика.

    Образуване на бъдеще време с помощта на спомагателния глагол имам, подобно на старобългарския и новобългарския. Числително ена (подобно на костурски/лерински диалекти). Свършена форма на глагола (газнит)

 

- Българи и славяни в южна Италия - Обзор на досегашните публикации. Откъслечния подход на повечето изследователи, концентриращи се само върху определен период и не обхващащи всичките налични материали.

 

- 3000 роби/славяни от Пелопонес (вдовицата Даниелис)

 

- Михаил, син на Вишета; неретляни  (wiki)

 

- Други вероятни места на заселване на Алцековите българи освен Исерния, Бояно и Сепино (по Ал. Николов)

 

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- Областите на по-ранните български заселвания (предимно сухопътни, от Панония. Концентрирани в ЮЗ Италия - Молиз??, Неапол, о-в Иския, Калабрия и Сицилия) и на по-късните славянски заселвания (презморски, от Далматия, но възможно и от Албания/Епир). Припокриването им в провинцията Молисе. Карта.

 

- Асимилиране на всички славянски/български колонии покрай морето. Късното (сърбо)-хърватско заселване в Молисе (Acquaviva Collecroce, San Felice, Montemiro) - необходимото условие за преживяването на предшестващия, установен български език в Молисе. Смесеният българо-хърватски характер на славяномолизкия - единствения възможен славянски, който би могъл да оцелее.

 

- Българи и славяни в Европа, IV-X в. - съвместното им споменаване в Европа, IV-X в.: Армения, Прикавказието, Поволжието, България, Пелопонес, Мала Азия, Словения, Италия. Откъслечното третиране на повечето изследователи. Деликатно конструираната "стандартна" теория за славянизирането на българите на Балканите и компрометирането ѝ в "турбо"-вариантите ѝ, предложени за Италия и Мала Азия.

 

- Българи и славяни (славяните са почти навсякъде подчинени на българите): в Пентаполис, Молиз, на север от Молиз (историята на Guy); в България; в Пелопонес; в Мала Азия; на Средна Волга;

- Българи и други съпътстващи/(подчинени) народи:

        - сабири/севери: в северна Италия (Casteseprio), в южна Италия (селището Schiavoni/Sauri; Sueropilo (?)), и в Сицилия (al-Sabir), в ранносредновековна България и в Поволжието, в Добруджа. + сабрите по адриатическото крайбрежие. Северите/сабирите трябва да бъдат признати за стар европейски народ.

        - барсили/(Берсилия) на Кавказ; племето берсула в Поволжието; земята "Бърся" в Брашов; бърсяци в Македония.

        - кутригури, утигури, сарагури и др. гури, претопили се в българския народ по времето на възстановената от Кубрат "Велика България"/(т.е. през поредната фаза на българския етногенезис.)

 

- Венеди и българи: 1. по Елба, V в. (тук са лангобарди и българи, а винди-славяни са споменати по-късно); 2. във виндското графство, VII в. (след бягството на българите от Бавария); 3. в Кавказ и Армения, V в. (?). 4. на Средна Волга - вятичите и техния град Вантит. Особеното е, че венедите НИКОГА не са под властта на българите, ами по-скоро обратно.

 

ПОЧТИ навсякъде, редом с българи са споменати и славяни. И обратно - редом със славяни са споменати и българи. Това е така обичайно, и в Италия, и на Балканите, че всъщност НЕСПОМЕНАВАНЕТО на едните редом с другите буди удивление и подозрение за непълнота на източника.

 

Българи и славяни по-добре е да бъдат третирани поотделно, както са описани в източниците. В някои случаи те даже са разграничени териториално в източниците. Например, в Молиз и по Струма. Но засега мисля, че би било прибързано да им се приписват определени, или различни, етнически, езикови характеристики.

Забележителното е как и в Италия, и в Средна Европа и на Поволжието, българи са споменати ВИНАГИ редом със славяни, а не редом с чехи, сърби, хървати или руси. Това повдига определени изисквания при съставянето на историята на нововъзникващите народи като чеси, сърби, хървати или руси. Работата на историците, пишещи тези истории (на словенци, сърби, хървати или руси) е да ОБОСНОВАТ (ако могат) извеждането на произхода на тези народи от едните славяни, без съпътстващите ги българи, а не АВТОМАТИЧНО да приемат произход единствено от славяните. Например, не може да бъде прието голословното твърдение на Януш ххх относно неучастието на българи в етногенезата на словенците (цитат от Ethnogeneze des Slovenes). ОБРАТНОТО, логично е да се приеме участието и на славяни, и на българи, там, където те са споменати редом в източниците, в етногенезата на по-късно появяващите се народи.

 

- Важността на славяномолизкия

 

- Цитати, за бъдеще ползване